Systemic racism in American journalism operates through institutional practices that shape narratives, where news organizations historically dominated by white ownership and editors produce perspectives that define what is newsworthy, often framing marginalized communities through lenses of deficiency, danger, and dysfunction rather than structural barriers, thereby reinforcing stereotypes and obscuring the real causes of inequality.
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Black Professor Puts a DISRESPECTFUL White JOURNALIST in her Place After She said This about Blacks本站添加:
people voted because their life's too damn expensive. And it And it was here and it >> They voted for You're telling me, Stephanie, that all of these people who believe that their lives are that bread is too high and eggs are too high, that they voted for a convicted felon. A guy who said we can grab the P.
>> I think that a lot >> They voted for this guy.
>> I'm not defending it, but I think there are tons of people that don't pay attention to And I'm not defending it.
Don't pay attention to politics at all.
But we While we live in the most prosperous country in the world, people are saying life's not fair, I'm not doing well, my son's still living in the basement, I can't seem to get a job, I don't like the status quo, I'm voting for something else and he >> I love you to life.
>> you >> But I do not believe that. I cannot believe that. And the reason I think you believe it is because you don't want to believe that that's what's really motivating them.
It's always the case. We People don't want to believe what the country actually is, because if they believe it, they're going to have to confront what's in them.
I don't believe that.
They voted for a crook.
A person who they know is stealing from just doing everything to undermine the so-called country that they love. And then they're telling us the BS that it's economics. Tell me, Stephanie, that all of these people who believe that their lives are that bread is too high and eggs are too high, that they voted for a convicted felon.
A guy who said we can grab the P.
>> I think that a lot >> They voted for this guy.
>> I'm not defending it, but I think there are tons of people that don't pay attention to And I'm not defending it.
Don't pay attention to politics at all.
But we While we live in the most prosperous country in the world, people are saying life's not fair, I'm not doing well, my son's still living in the basement, I can't seem to get a job, I don't like the status quo. I'm voting for something else and he >> I love you to life.
>> you >> What I do not believe that. I cannot believe that. And the reason I think you believe it is because you don't want to believe that that's what's really motivating them.
It's always the case. We people don't want to believe what the country actually is because if they believe it, they're going to have to confront what's in them.
I don't believe that.
They voted for a crook.
A person who they know is stealing from just doing everything to undermine the so-called country that they love. And then they're telling us the BS that it's economics.
>> I hope you're fairing well where you are.
There's this proverb I like saying that until the lion learns how to write, the story of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.
Why? Because the hunter is the one who knows how to write.
You see?
Now, this African proverb captures a central criticism of how some Western journalists have historically reported on marginalized communities in the United States.
When the people telling the story becomes uh primarily or at When the people telling the story come from uh privileged backgrounds and institutions shaped by an equal power relation, so the result of the narratives always reinforce stereotypes rather than challenge them.
You see?
Let's put this in the context of America and the black people. Critics argue that some journalists have been trained whether consciously or unconsciously to look or to view poor black communities, immigrants, indigenous peoples, and other marginalized groups through a lens of deficiency, danger, and dysfunction.
Right? And this interview we are going to listen to is a perfect example of how some journalists have been trained consciously or unconsciously to look down upon their subjects of interview, particularly black people, right? So, but without further ado, let's dive in.
I shall be back with a deeper critical analysis.
>> We know that >> I'm talking about what happens to you.
If you've barely escaped suicide or death or madness or yourself, you watch your children growing up and no matter what you do, no matter what you do, you are powerless.
You are really powerless against the force of the world that is out to tell your child that he has no right to be alive and no amount of liberal jargon, no amount of talking about how well and how far we have progressed does anything to soften or to point out any solution to this dilemma. In every generation, ever since Negroes have been here, Baldwin writes, every Negro mother and father has had to face that child and try to create in that child some way of surviving this particular world, some way to make the child who will be despised not despise himself.
I don't know what the Negro problem means to white people, Baldwin writes, but this is what it means to the Negro.
What does it mean to try to construct an idea of the self in a country that is organized in every single way on the basis, on the grounds of the value gap.
Not because people are mean-spirited, but it's because it's in the very DNA of the country.
And this is what makes addressing the problem, I'm leaving my notes now. This is what makes addressing the problem of white supremacy, of racial inequality in this country so difficult because we refuse to look the ugliness of who we are squarely in THE FACE AND DARE to imagine ourselves differently.
This is hard work.
This is hard the value gap isn't sustained by loud racist the value gap is sustained by all of us.
All of us you you don't need white people for white supremacy to work.
When I'm in New Jersey and I'm driving down Stuyvesant Avenue in Trenton, I hold a set of generalizations about the people who occupy that particular neighborhood. It's known as Little Iraq.
I keep my head on a swivel.
Right?
There's a kind of particular fear that gets generalized that general is generalized to an entire population that informs a set of assumptions about how I interact with them and those generalizations have policy implications.
We are socialized and habituated into believing right certain things about certain folks.
Right?
I've read about this in the text.
There Nancy DiTomaso at at Rutgers a social scientist she did a series of interviews of white working class folk in Cleveland in Ohio and in Tennessee and in Jersey I believe and she said she was interviewing these workers and and one worker said I just I'm sorry I'm black people are just lazy.
They just want a handout. You've heard this before.
It's been informing public discourse since I can remember remembering.
And they don't want to work hard for anything and it turned out that his father was close friends with the union boss who hooked him up with a job.
Another interviewer right? I'm sorry to say they're just lazy. They don't want to work. It turns out that not only his friend gave him the gave him the test that he needed to take for his job, gave him the answers to the test.
And what Nancy's trying to suggest in this moment is right not that there is some right up overt racism that's happening. People are just hooking up their friend friends and families.
Right?
That it's what she calls opportunity hoarding. That racial inequality actually is is uh perpetuated through social networks.
Right?
And because we're so deeply a segregated society, social net our social networks are typically 75% of our social networks are 100% homogeneous.
So opportunities pass through certain networks that do not pass through others.
Right? I'm just helping out my child.
I'm not being racist.
Right? I'm just helping out my neighbor.
I'm not being racist.
I said something jokingly to a friend the other night. I said if we want to solve black on black crime in the United States, we just need to integrate neighborhoods.
And they didn't quite get it. I said uh Some of you didn't get it either, right?
Most crime takes place, right? Because of proximity.
White on white crime, 83% of crime that happens in white communities happens between white and white on white people.
91% happens between because our neighborhoods are segregated. If we all move together, then we'll just be criminal with each other. I know.
>> [applause] >> Racial habits.
The value gap distorts who we take ourselves to be.
It blocks the way to the formation of the kinds of people democracies require.
I was just talking about uh with with Reverend Hart Anderson about Abraham Lincoln's rejection of the monstrous injustice of slavery.
But his commitment to the belief that white people were superior than black people.
And how those commitments blocked the way from him becoming the kind of human being his idea of democracy required.
You know, America's not unique in its sins >> Mhm.
>> as a country. We're not unique in our evils to be honest with you.
Um I think where we where we may be singular is our refusal to acknowledge them.
>> Mhm.
>> Mhm.
>> And the legends and myths we tell about our inherent you know, goodness uh to hide and cover and conceal so that we can maintain a kind of willful ignorance that protects our innocence.
See, the thing is that when when the Tea Party was happening we used people were we were saying pundits, oh, it's just about economic populism.
It's not about race.
When people [clears throat] knew people knew social scientists were already writing that what was driving the Tea Party were anxieties about demographic [clears throat] shifts. That the country was changing, that they were seeing these racially ambiguous babies on on Cheerios commercials.
That the country wasn't quite feeling like it was a white nation anymore. And people were screaming from the top of their lungs, yo, this is not just simply economic populism. This is the ugly underbelly of the country. See, the thing is is this.
And I'll say this and I'll take the hit on it. There are communities that have had to bear the brunt of America confronting white Americans confronting the danger of their innocence.
And it happens every generation.
So, somehow we have to kind of oh my god, is this who we are?
And just again, another here's another generation of babies.
Think about it, that two-year-old had his bones broken by two parents trying to shield them from being killed.
A woman who has been married to this man for as long as I've been on the planet almost, lost her lost her husband.
For what?
And so, what we know is that the country has been playing politics for a long time on this hatred. We know this. So, it's easy for us to place it all on Donald Trump's shoulders.
It's easy for us to place Pittsburgh on his shoulders. It's easy for me to place Charlottesville on his shoulders. It's easy for us to place El Paso on his shoulders. This is us.
And if we're going to get past this, we can't blame it on him.
He's a manifestation of the ugliness that's in us.
I've had the privilege of growing up in a tradition that didn't believe in the myths and the legends because we had to bear the brunt of them.
Either we're going to change, Nicole, or we're going to do this again and again, and babies are going to have to grow up without mothers and fathers, uncles, and aunts, friends, while we're trying to convince white folk to finally leave behind a history that will maybe maybe or embrace a history that might set them free from being white. Finally.
What else?
>> Oh, here in front of me called Our Skin that has been endorsed by Nacy. Uh and I'm going to read exactly what this book says. You guys might find it interesting. A long time ago, way before you were born, a group of white people made up an idea called race. They sorted people by skin color and said that white people were better, smarter, prettier, and they deserved more than everybody else.
This would be taught if we socialize our pre-K assistant this would be taught >> Do you disagree with that findings in the book?
>> A thousand percent. How about we teach Jesus loves me?
How about How about this? And teaching Jesus loves loves the little children the lyrics go red and yellow, black and white, they're all precious in our sight. Now, which one would you think would be better? I'll ask everybody on the panel, which is better to teach?
This that is a a story that was made up to teach our kids three-year-olds who have no idea what race is now all of a sudden is being taught that white people said this as a truth.
Someone point at me that this being a truth that white people developed race.
That white people developed that. That all of a sudden that was our word that we developed. By the way, I'm Cherokee Native American. I think we have experienced a little bit of racism before in my life, Chairman.
>> Senator Mullin.
>> So So, I ask everybody on the panel, which one is better to teach? This or the Jesus loves me lyrics?
Ma'am, I'll start down here. Just tell me which one. I don't have time for next >> What I'll tell you, Senator Mullin, is that what children um in these early years develop their identity It's important that our classrooms are >> I'm just asking which one is better >> Let her answer the question, please.
>> I The my question is this.
>> She will answer it as she sees fit.
>> Which one is better?
>> It's important It's important that children's identity >> That's not answering my question. That's not answering my question.
>> And that's that's what creates strong executive function.
>> If you don't want to answer my question, that's fine. Let's move on down the panel. Which one is >> Exactly.
>> That's exactly what it is.
>> Got it on tape.
>> [laughter] >> Miss spoke. So, what I'm saying is is which one is which? Which one is better to be taught, Mr. Chairman?
Is it this or is Is or is it the Jesus >> Is your question directed to me or this woman?
>> Well, you keep interrupting me saying they're not actually a question.
>> When I ask a question >> No, no, no. It's his question. He gets to dictate it.
>> Which one?
>> Not dictate it. Ask the question.
>> Which one?
>> Talking to this woman, right?
>> Yes.
>> As I stated, Jesus is always first.
>> Absolutely. I agree with that.
>> After carefully watching this video, here is my deep critical analysis.
You see, systemic racism does not only operate through laws and policing.
It also functions through the production of knowledge and public narratives.
News organizations have historically been dominated by white ownership, editors, and reporters.
As a result, the perspectives that define what is considered newsworthy always and often emerge from institutions that are not fully reflected uh or rather they do not fully reflect the experiences of these marginalized communities that they are reporting on.
Now, this has greatly influenced how stories are framed, whose voices should be heard or which voices are being heard, and which communities are are portrayed as problems uh needing solutions rather than citizens facing structural barriers.
And one of the clearest examples of such can be found in media coverage of black communities.
No, through much of the 20th century, mainstream American media frequently associated black neighborhoods with crime, poverty, and social disorder while paying far less attention to discriminatory housing policies, employment, and discrimination.
And also to add, unequal educational opportunities, right? Instead of focusing on the real problem, they are focusing on pointing fingers.
So, during the 1980s and the 1990s, news coverage of the war on drugs often focused on images of black suspects, gang violence, and urban decay.
Terms such as super predators gained popularity and were amplified through media coverage.
Now, these narratives encouraged many Americans to associate blackness with criminality while while ignoring the systemic factors that contributed to poverty and crime, including deindustrialization, redlining, and unequal access to resources.
A striking contrast emerged during the crack cocaine epidemic of the 1980s and the opioid crisis that affected many black that affected many white communities decades later.
You see, crack cocaine users, who are proportionately portrayed as black and urban, were often portrayed as criminals deserving punishment.
Now, by contrast, opioid users were often depicted No, by contrast, opioid users were more frequently described as victims of a public health crisis requiring treatment and compassion.
This difference in media framing revealed how race can influence journalistic narratives.
Similar social problems were interpreted through entirely different lenses depending on who was affected.
Another thing was uh the coverage of protests uh also illustrated how media framing can reinforce systemic racism. You see, during the civil movements, many mainstream outlets initially portrayed activists as agitators disrupting social order rather than individuals demanding fundamental rights.
Now, leaders such as John Lewis and people and another one called Fannie Lou Hamer were often viewed suspiciously by parts of the media establishment before history vindicated their struggles.
Decades later, during protest during the killing of George Floyd for instance, some media coverage focused heavily on property damage and unrest while devoting less attention to the underlying grievances about policing, racial profiling, and systemic inequality.
You know?
Now, let's go to the natural calamities and how it was portrayed.
The treatment of poor communities after natural disasters often further demonstrated this pattern.
You know, following what is called the Hurricane Katrina, news outlets were criticized for describing black residents searching for food as looters, while white residents engaged in similar actions were sometimes described as finding or recovering supplies.
Such differences in language subtly shaped public perception of who is seen as a criminal and who is viewed sympathetically.
Immigrants communities have also been affected by these negative framing.
Latino immigrants for instance, particularly from Mexico and Central America have frequently been portrayed through narratives emphasizing illegal border crossing, crime, or economic burden.
While immigration certainly raises legitimate policy questions, critics argue that many news stories have historically neglected the contributions, you know, of immigrants to the economy of the United States of America, you know?
Indigenous communities have provided another example in America.
For decades, the Native Americans received minimal coverage except in stories involving poverty, alcoholism, crime, or conflict.
The complexity of indigenous cultures, the governance patterns, and historical experiences often remained invisible in mainstream reporting.
This contributed to widespread public ignorance regarding issues such as treaty rights, land dispossession, and environmental justice.
You understand?
Importantly, systemic racism in journalism is not necessarily the result of individual reporters consciously harboring hate attitudes. Rather, it often emerges from institutional practices, you see?
Journalism schools and newsrooms have [music] traditionally emphasized perspectives aligned with dominant social groups.
Reporters may be trained to rely heavily on police reports, government officials, and elite experts as as sources because these institutions themselves can reflect racial inequalities, journalistic narratives also may unintentionally reproduce those biases.
When police accounts are treated as objective facts while community while community voices are treated with skepticism, reporting can reinforce existing power structures.
You know, because there have been significant efforts to address these problems.
Uh we've had a greater diversity in newsrooms, increased attention to racial biases in reporting, and the growth of independent media which have challenged many traditional narratives.
Journalists from marginalized communities have pushed for reporting that highlights that highlight structural causes of inequality rather than simply documenting its consequences.
Nevertheless, debates continue about whether mainstream media sufficiently represents the experiences and perspectives of those who have been historically excluded.
Right?
Now, let's put this matter to rest.
The criticism that some Western journalists are trained to look down upon marginalized communities stems from the broader reality of systemic racism in American institutions.
Historical patterns of reporting on black Americans, immigrants, uh and indigenous people, and also together with poor communities demonstrates how media narratives can reinforce stereotypes, legitimize unequal treatment, and obscure structural causes of inequality.
The issue is not merely about individual prejudice.
It is about how institutions shape the stories that societies tell about themselves.
Again, as the proverb suggests, until the lion learns how to write, the story of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.
Right?
So, true journalistic fairness requires ensuring that marginalized communities are not merely subjects of reporting, but they are active participants in shaping their own narratives. Yeah.
Thanks for watching. This is Evans from Kenya. I hope that you get enlightened and see you in the next one.
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