The Jarrow case demonstrates how a single-industry town can be deliberately destroyed by corporate cartels rather than market forces, as when National Shipbuilders Security, backed by the Bank of England, purchased and closed Palmers Shipyard in 1934, eliminating 70% of employment and forcing the community to respond with the historic Jarrow Crusade march to London, illustrating how industrial restructuring at boardroom level can devastate entire communities.
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How One Shipyard Built and Destroyed an Entire British Town: JarrowAdded:
There was a time when Jarrow shook the ground. A shipyard hooter carried across the Tyne at dawn, and 10,000 men walked through the same set of gates to build ships for the Royal Navy. Warships, colliers, tankers, on a stretch of riverbank that 50 years earlier had been nothing but marsh and mud. One man had done this. Charles Mark Palmer had taken a colliery village of 3,000 souls and raised from it an industrial town of 35,000.
His company didn't just employ the men, it built the houses they lived in, the hospital they were treated in, the schools their children attended, the streets they walked home on. If you lived in Jarrow, you breathed because Palmers breathed. The yard launched a thousand ships. It survived the end of sale. It survived the slumps of the 1880s. It built the warships that fought at Jutland. But by 1935, the cranes were down, the blast furnaces were cold, and the riverbank was silent. The company hadn't gone bankrupt. It had been bought by a cartel and killed. The site had been sealed against shipbuilding for 40 years. What happens to the men of such a town when the only thing they know how to do is erased, not by the market, but by a decision taken in a London boardroom by men they have never met?
Chapter 1, The Town That Was Murdered.
Most people know the photograph. 200 men in overcoats and flat caps marching through the rain behind a blue and white banner that reads Jarrow Crusade. A mouth organ band, a borrowed bus, an oak box with gold lettering carrying 11,572 signatures. They walked 282 miles from the South Bank of the River Tyne to the gates of Westminster. And when they arrived, soaked, blistered, thinner than when they'd left, nobody in government would see them. That was the 5th of October to the 31st of October, 1936. 26 days, 200 men, one woman, their MP, Ellen Wilkinson, who walked beside them in a green velvet beret and would later write the book that gave this story its name. She called it the town that was murdered, not died, not declined, murdered. Jarrow's unemployment rate at the time of the march stood above 70% of men.
Among skilled workers, the riveters, the platers, the boilermakers, the crane operators who had built warships for the Royal Navy, 8,000 were out of work. 100 had jobs. The rest sat on doorsteps, leaned against walls, walked the streets of a town that had been emptied of purpose as cleanly as a house is emptied of furniture. But this is not the story of a march. Marches are consequences.
This is the story of the crime that made the march necessary.
And the crime began not in Jarrow, but in a London boardroom, where a man named James Lithgow sat at the head of a table and signed the death warrant of a town he had never lived in. To understand how a town can be murdered, you first have to understand how it was built. And the building of Jarrow began 1,300 years before the first rivet was driven into the hull of a ship. Chapter two, the Marsh Dwellers and the Monk.
The River Tyne runs east from the Pennine Hills to the North Sea, and 3 mi before it reaches the open water, it loops past a stretch of marshy ground on its southern bank where the smaller River Don drains into the mud.
The Anglo-Saxons had a word for the people who lived on land like this, gaia, meaning mud, and they called this place Gaeum, the Marsh Dwellers. It wasn't much, a tidal flat called Jarrow Slake, salt-crusted and thick with reeds at low water.
Across the river lay Howden. 5 mi upstream, the beginnings of Newcastle. 3 mi east, South Shields and the sea. The ground was soft, the air was damp, and for centuries nobody had much reason to be here, except for the fact that in the year 681, a Northumbrian nobleman named Benedict Biscop decided that this unpromising stretch of riverbank was the right place to build a monastery. Biscop was extraordinary. Born around 628 into the Northumbrian aristocracy, he traveled to Rome five times, walking most of the way, and returned each time carrying books, relics, glassmakers, and stonemasons. In 674, King Ecgfrith of Northumbria had granted him land at Wearmouth, 7 miles up the coast near modern Sunderland, to found St. Peter's.
Now, Ecgfrith granted a second parcel at Jarrow, and Biscop built St. Paul's, a twin monastery, one house in two places, connected by the same rule, the same abbot, the same library. The church was dedicated on the 23rd of April, 685.
The dedication stone, carved in Latin recording the date and the name of Abbot Ceolfrith, was set above the chancel arch. It is still there. 1,341 years later, it remains the oldest dedication stone in England, fixed in the wall of a church that still holds services every Sunday.
Into this monastery, around the year 680, came a boy of about seven. His name was Bede. He would never leave.
Bede entered Wearmouth-Jarrow as an oblate, a child given to the monastery by his family, and spent the next 55 years reading, teaching, and writing in a scriptorium overlooking the Tyne. He produced more than 60 works. His De temporum ratione established the AD dating system that the Western world still uses.
His Ecclesiastical History of the English People, completed in 731, is the first true history of England, the work that created the idea of the English as a single people with a shared past. He did all of this without ever traveling more than a few dozen miles from the monastery. And there is one other thing. Around the year 700, the monks of Wearmouth-Jarrow produced the Codex Amiatinus, the oldest surviving complete Latin Bible in a single volume. The vellum for its pages required the slaughter of roughly 2,000 calves.
It was intended as a gift for the Pope.
It now sits in the Laurentian Library in Florence, one of the most important manuscripts in the history of Western civilization. Written and bound on a marsh in County Durham, the monastery survived Bede's death in 735.
It did not survive the Vikings. In 794, 1 year after the infamous raid on Lindisfarne, Norse raiders struck Jarrow. The monks fought back harder than the Lindisfarne community had, and the raiders suffered losses. But the damage was done. By the late 9th century, after repeated Danish incursions, the site was abandoned. The books were scattered. The scriptorium fell silent.
For nearly two centuries, the place where the first history of the English people had been written was empty.
Around 1070, a prior named Aldwin, inspired by reading Bede's own works, walked north from Winchcombe in Gloucestershire, and refounded the monastery on a Norman Benedictine plan.
The ruins visible today beside St. Paul's Church date from his rebuilding.
In 1537, Henry VIII's commissioners dissolved the priory.
The larger church was pulled down. The eastern end, Bede's original 7th century chancel, survived as the parish church, its walls containing fragments of some of the oldest stained glass in Britain, small circular panes colored and fired sometime between 600 and 700, still letting the light through. And Jarrow returned to what it had been before Biscop came, a marsh village, farmers, fishermen, a few colliers after coal was discovered nearby. By 1801, the census counted 1,566 souls.
By 1841, 3,600.
By 1851, 3,835.
The only significant building beyond St. Paul's was Jarrow Hall, a Georgian house built around 1785 by Simon Temple, who'd opened the Jarrow pit two decades later.
The tidal mudflat of Jarrow Slake still flooded at every high tide. In 1832, it had served as a gibbet site. The body of the murderer, William Jobling, hung in chains at the water's edge, the last man publicly gibbeted in England. A town that gave Europe its first great work of history was, by the middle of the 19th century, a colliery village known only to antiquarians. The marsh had reclaimed it. The world had forgotten it. And then, in 1851, a young coal merchant from South Shields stood on the muddy bank of the River Don and decided that this was where he would build the ships of the British Empire. His name was Charles Mark Palmer. He was 28 years old, and he was about to invent a town.
Chapter 3, The Man Who Built a Town.
From mud, Palmer came from the Tyne, the way an oak comes from the river bank, rooted in the soil of the place, shaped by its industries, impossible to imagine anywhere else. He was born on the 3rd of November, 1822, at King Street, South Shields, the fourth of seven sons of George Palmer, a shipowner and former whaling captain. The river was in his blood before he could walk. He trained in commerce in Newcastle, then spent two years in Marseille from the age of 15, learning French, learning trade, learning how the world beyond the Tyne moved goods and money. He came home at 22 and joined forces with John Bowes, the fabulously wealthy County Durham colliery owner, at Marley Hill Colliery.
By the early 1850s, the Bowes and Palmer operation ran 14 collieries and shifted a million tons of coal a year.
But Palmer had a problem, and the problem was transport.
For centuries, Tyneside coal had reached London by sea, carried in slow wooden sailing brigs called coal cats that took a fortnight for the round trip.
Now the railways were pushing south from the coal fields, hauling coal overland at speeds and costs the sailing fleet couldn't match. The Great Northern coal field was in danger of losing its markets.
Palmer's solution was simple and revolutionary. Build a ship, not a wooden sailing ship, an iron-hulled, steam-powered, screw-propelled collier that could carry coal from the Tyne to the Thames in 48 hours instead of 14 days and undercut the railways on price.
To build it, he needed a yard.
In 1851, Palmer and his elder brother George leased land at Jarrow. That same stretch of muddy riverbank where the marsh met the Tyne. On the 30th of June, 1852, a Wednesday, the SS John Bowes slid down the slipway into the river.
She was the first iron screw collier in the world. She carried 690 tons of coal to London and back in a time that would have taken a sailing brig a fortnight.
Palmer was 29 years old and with one ship he had saved the Northern coal trade. The orders came in waves. In 1856, Palmer launched HMS Terror, a floating iron battery for the Crimean War, and with it something that would make him famous across the shipbuilding world. The first rolled armor plate in history. Every other yard forged its armor slowly, piece by piece.
Palmer rolled his faster and cheaper and the Admiralty noticed. By 1860, blast furnaces were burning on the Jarrow riverbank, smelting Cleveland ironstone.
Palmer was now doing what no other yard in England could do. Mining his own ore, smelting his own iron, rolling his own plate, and building his own ships all on the same site. The Engineer magazine noted in 1863 that Palmer's was the only fully integrated shipbuilding and iron works in the country.
In 1865, the business was incorporated as Palmers Shipbuilding and Iron Company Limited. By 1869, the works covered nearly 100 acres along 3/4 of a mile of the Tyne. Four blast furnaces, capacity of 60,000 tons of pig iron a year, 5,000 men employed, rolling mills added in 1874, and still it grew. But, Palmer didn't just build a yard, he built everything around it. The Mechanics Institute in 1864 for the education of his workers, Palmer Memorial Hospital in 1871, 39 beds named for his first wife Jane who died in 1865, opened exclusively to shipyard employees and their families, schools, churches, chapels, a building society through which by Palmers later years nearly half the housing in Jarrow was owner-occupied, and the terraced streets themselves, Ellison Street, Caledonian Road, Western Road, Albion Street, thrown up in tight smoke-blackened south of the yard to house the thousands of men who poured into the town from across the north of England and from Ireland.
The numbers tell the story of a man creating a population out of mud. In 1851, Jarrow held 3,835 people. In 1861, 6,494.
In 1871, 24,361.
In 1881, 37,545.
By the 1890s, the wider parish held more than 52,000, and up to 2/3 of them were of Irish descent. The locals called it Little Ireland. Palmer was the town's Liberal MP from 1874, representing North Durham, and then the new Jarrow constituency from 1885 until his death. He was the first mayor of the Borough of Jarrow in 1875, and mayor again in 1902. Knighted, then made a baronet in 1886.
A bronze statue by Albert Toft was unveiled by his second wife, Lady Gertrude, in 1903 outside the hospital he'd built in memory of his first. He died on the 4th of June, 1907, at his London home, 37 Curzon Street, Mayfair, aged 84.
He'd had three marriages, eight children, and a town. The town had nothing else. Palmer owned the mines that fed his iron, the iron that built his ships, the homes the men lived in, the hospital they died in, the schools their children attended, and the parliamentary seat that was supposed to represent them independently.
When such a man dies and his industry dies after him, the town has no second act. It has only the memory of the first. By the year of Palmer's death, Jarrow was at the peak of its powers, but the empire he'd built had a fatal weakness. It knew how to do only one thing.
Chapter 4, 10,000 men and 1,000 ships.
Picture the town at its height, a place where the day began with a sound, the shipyard hooter at half past five in the morning, a blast heard for miles across the river, echoing off the Howden shore and rolling up the Tyne towards Newcastle.
That hooter didn't ask, it summoned.
And within 20 minutes, the streets would fill. Thousands of men in heavy boots and flat caps walking down Ellison Street in the half dark, past the Jarrow Co-operative Society stores on Ormond Street, past Christ Church with its tall spire on Clayton Street, past the Robin Hood Hotel and Frank Caffrey's pubs, converging on the yard gates like tributaries feeding a river.
Inside those gates lay 3/4 of a mile of Tyneside riverbank, nearly 100 acres of cranes, gantry, slipways, rolling mills, blast furnaces, engine shops, and fitting out basins. At peak employment, 10,000 men worked here. The thunder of riveting, dozens of pneumatic hammers firing simultaneously into iron plate, was a sound that contemporaries said never stopped between dawn and dusk. At certain tides, the river itself ran rust red to the sea from blast furnace slag.
Between 1852 and 1900, Palmers launched nearly 1 million 250,000 tons of shipping, more than any other British yard. Among the vessels that slid down those Jarrow slipways, HMS Defence, a central battery ironclad of 1861, HMS Swiftsure and HMS Triumph, Pacific flagships of the early 1870s, HMS Pegasus, sunk by SMS Königsberg off Zanzibar in September 1914, the engagement that inspired C.S. Forester's The African Queen, and HMS Resolution, a Revenge-class superdreadnought of 1915, whose 15-in gun now stands in the atrium of the Imperial War Museum in London.
But one ship eclipsed all others in Jarrow's memory. HMS Queen Mary was laid down on the 6th of March, 1911, and launched on the 20th of March, 1912, by Lady Allendale, on what Jarrow declared a public holiday. She was a battlecruiser, 26,500 tons, the largest warship ever built at Palmers, costing the Admiralty 2 million 78,491 pounds. Commissioned in September 1913, she was the pride of the Grand Fleet.
On the 31st of May, 1916, at the Battle of Jutland, two shells from SMS Derfflinger struck her forward magazine.
The explosion broke the ship in half. Of 1,286 crew, 20 survived. The men of Jarrow had built that ship. Some of the men of Jarrow were aboard her. The town grieved. The town kept building. During the First World War, Palmers docked or repaired 347 warships and merchant vessels, including Admiral Beatty's flagship HMS Lion after Jutland.
The yard was the heart of the town and the town was the heart of the yard and the two pumped blood through the same streets. A magazine article from 1901 captured what Jarrow had become.
At the date of the establishment of the shipyard, Jarrow was a small colliery village known only to antiquaries as the home of the Venerable Bede. It is now a great industrial community, great and fragile. Of every 10 working men in the town, eight worked for Palmers. If you weren't a Palmers man, you served Palmers men. You sold them their bread, taught their children, pulled their teeth, married their daughters, buried their dead. The terrace streets were Palmers streets. The hospital was Palmers hospital. The town hall on Grange Road opened in 1902, red brick baroque, foundation stone laid by Lady Palmer, administered a town whose rates were paid almost entirely from one company's wages.
St. Bede's Roman Catholic Church on St. John's Terrace, built in 1860, extended in 1883, paid for by Irish immigrant labor, served a congregation that existed because Palmer had needed men and Ireland had needed work.
The Lyric and the Empire cinemas filled on Saturday evenings with audiences drawn from the same streets, the same shifts, the same families.
Walk down Bedeburn Road on a Sunday morning and you'd hear church bells from three denominations calling the same workforce to pray. It was a magnificent, terrifying dependency, a single organism with one heart. And in 1929, in a city Jarrow had never heard of, something happened that would stop that heart. On the 24th of July, 1930, the tanker Peter Hurll slid into the Tyne, the 1,000th ship built at Palmers. In 1931, the tanker British Strength was completed, the last merchant vessel the yard would ever produce.
On the 19th of July, 1932, the destroyer HMS Duchess was launched. She was the last ship ever built at Palmers, Jarrow.
After Duchess, the slipways fell silent.
The hooter stopped sounding at half past five. The men still walked down Ellison Street in the mornings, but now they had nowhere to go. Chapter five, the men who killed a town. The depression hit British shipbuilding the way a sledgehammer hits a watch. In 1920, the yards of Great Britain had launched 2,056,000 tons of merchant shipping.
By 1932, that figure had collapsed to 188,000 tons. New merchant tonnage commenced in Britain fell from 362,000 tons in the first quarter of 1929 to 33,000 tons in the first quarter of 1931.
The world had stopped ordering ships, and the Tyne, where the economy began and ended at the waterline, was drowning on dry land. But what happened to Palmers was not the depression. The depression was the weather. What happened to Palmers was a decision taken by named men in a specific room for a specific reason that had nothing to do with saving Jarrow and everything to do with saving themselves. Their names were James Lithgow, Montagu Norman, and Andrew Duncan. And between them, they killed a town. Sir James Lithgow, first baronet, was a Scottish industrialist born in 1883, owner with his brother Henry of the largest privately held shipyard group on the Clyde, Lithgows Limited, Port Glasgow. He was chairman of the Federation of British Industry from 1930.
He was sharp, powerful, and he had a problem. British shipbuilding had too many yards chasing too few orders, and the overcapacity was driving down prices for everyone, including him. Montagu Norman, first Baron Norman, was the governor of the Bank of England from 1920 to 1944, the longest-serving governor in the bank's history. A gaunt, secretive figure who traveled under assumed names, Norman believed that the bank's role was to rationalize British industry from the top down, culling the weak to protect the strong. Andrew Rae Duncan was the man who connected them, chairman of the Bank of England Securities Management Trust, a fixer and a deal maker who moved between Whitehall, the City, and the industrial boardrooms of the North with the ease of a man who belonged to all three worlds and answered to none.
In 1928, the Shipbuilding Conference, an industry association, secretly resolved to reduce capacity. The question was how. You couldn't simply close a rival's yard, you needed a mechanism, something that looked like the market working, when in fact it was the market being worked. In 1930, Lithgow approached Norman through Duncan with a proposal.
The Bank of England would underwrite the creation of a private company whose sole purpose was to buy up shipyards and destroy them. The company would then impose a restrictive covenant, legally binding for 40 years, preventing any future shipbuilding on the purchased site. The industry term for this was sterilizing the berths. The company was called National Shipbuilders Security Limited, NSS. It was incorporated in 1930 with Lithgow as chairman, and it proceeded to do exactly what it was designed to do. Between 1930 and 1938, NSS purchased and closed 28 entire shipyards, roughly 1/3 of all British shipbuilding capacity. By 1938, more than 216 ship berths had been demolished. The casualty list ran from one end of the country to the other.
William Beardmore's Dalmuir yard, perhaps the most modern shipyard in Britain when it opened in 1906, was the first major purchase in 1930, Napier and Miller at Old Kilpatrick, Earl Shipbuilding in Hull, Bow McLachlan in Paisley, D and W Henderson's Meadowside Yard, Workman, Clark in Belfast, William Gray's Aegis Yard, Irvine's Shipbuilding, and the showpiece of the slaughter, Palmers of Jarrow. The personal hypocrisy was breathtaking.
Lithgow used NSS to restructure his own holdings. In 1933, he sold his own loss-making Inchyard to NSS, to the company he chaired, for a substantial compensation payment, then used the money to buy the Fairfield Yard at Govan in 1935, saving it from closure and adding it to his empire. In 1934, he was permitted to buy William Beardmore's iron and steel debentures from the Bank of England on favorable terms, gaining control of Beardmore's metal assets. He was eliminating his competitors using a Bank of England-backed cartel, and he was being paid to do it. The timeline of Palmers' death was precise and deliberate. In 1931, the company posted a loss of 88,867 pounds. Creditors granted a moratorium.
The last merchant ship was completed. In January 1933, creditors met in London and extended the moratorium 6 months. In December 1933, rumors reached the press that NSS was circling.
In the House of Commons, Walter Runciman, President of the Board of Trade, told members with a candor that still shocks, "There is nothing to be gained by giving Jarrow the impression that Palmers can be revived. Would it not be very much better to make a clean sweep of that as a shipyard?" A clean sweep of an entire town's livelihood. By the end of 1933, Palmers collapsed. In early summer of 1934, NSS acquired the yard, and the demolition began immediately. The blast furnaces and steel works, 37 acres of them, were sold to Thomas W. Ward Limited of Sheffield, the nation's premier dismantling firm, for scrap. The cranes came down, the engine shop was briefly kept alive as a steel foundry, the Hebburn Dry Dock was sold to Vickers-Armstrong in 1935, and the site, the 3/4 of a mile of riverbank where 1,000 ships had been built, was sterilized, sealed against shipbuilding until 1974.
The town tried to fight back. An American industrialist named T. Vosper Salt proposed a modern integrated steel works for the Jarrow site in early 1934.
The scheme was promising, it was practical, and it was killed by the British Iron and Steel Federation chaired by Sir Andrew Duncan, the same Andrew Duncan who had brokered the original deal with Montagu Norman for NSS.
The BISF used its control of steel pricing to put pressure on London banks not to lend to the Jarrow scheme.
By March 1935, the Salt proposal was dead.
Only the Consett Iron Company, among northeastern steel firms, had openly supported it.
Sir John Jarvis, industrialist and High Sheriff of Surrey, launched a private charity, the Surrey Fund, in October 1934.
He raised £40,000.
He bought the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria to be broken up at the yard, providing work for around 200 men.
He was made a Freeman of Jarrow in 1935.
The Labour councilors boycotted the ceremony.
Ellen Wilkinson called his efforts patchwork. She was right. The yard had employed 10,000. 200 was a bandage on a hemorrhage.
The writer Ronald Blythe later captured what the riverbank sounded like after the dismantlers had finished. The only sound to compete with the unfamiliar noise of the marsh birds was the ring of the breakers' hammers. The marsh was coming back. The GIR, the mud, was reclaiming the ground that Palmer had stolen from it 80 years earlier, and the men who had built a thousand ships stood on the bank and watched it happen.
Palmers was not bankrupted by the market. Palmers was killed by a private cartel underwritten by the Bank of England in order to protect the share prices of yards owned by the cartels own chairman. The same network through Duncan then blocked the rescue steel works that might have saved the town.
The same government through Runciman told the town to accept its own death as a public good. By the autumn of 1935, the cranes were gone. The slipways were rubble, and the men of Jarrow were waiting for a future that was not going to come. Chapter 6, a workhouse without walls. The numbers first, because the numbers are the wound. Out of a population of roughly 35,000, around 23,000 were on public relief. Of 8,000 skilled manual workers, men who could rivet, plate, weld, operate cranes, fit engines, read blueprints, 100 had jobs.
100 out of 8,000. Male unemployment in Jarrow reached 75% by 1935.
Set that against the national rate, 13.1% against the shipbuilding industry nationally, 33% against Tyneside as a whole, 16.8%.
Jarrow wasn't part of the depression.
Jarrow was the depression made flesh.
The worst of it concentrated into a few hundred terrace streets between the river and the hill. Life magazine covering Britain's industrial north in 1935 called Jarrow cursed. The word wasn't strong enough. The health crisis was measurable and it was lethal. Infant mortality in Jarrow stood at 104 deaths per thousand live births. The national figure for England and Wales in 1936 was 59 per thousand. Market Harborough, the pleasant Leicestershire town the marchers would pass through 18 days into their walk, recorded 33 per thousand. A baby born in Jarrow was three times more likely to die before its first birthday than a baby born in Market Harborough, 60 miles to the south. The tuberculosis death rate in Jarrow ran at roughly double the national average. Rickets was documented in children throughout the town. One of the marchers, William Cameron, had every one of his teeth pulled during the 26 days on the road, not because of the march, but because years of malnutrition had rotted them beyond saving. The means test made it worse. Introduced in 1931, it worked like this. After 26 weeks of standard unemployment benefit, any further transitional payment was subject to a household means test. Every person living under the same roof was assessed.
Every penny of savings, every pension, every grown son's earnings. If your daughter had a job in a shop, her wages were counted against your benefit. If your elderly father had a few pounds put aside, that was counted, too. Families separated to qualify. Sons moved out.
Parents moved in with relatives.
Households fractured along lines drawn by a civil servant with a clipboard.
Pianos were sold. Pictures came off walls. The phrase used in Jarrow was that the means test man was a stranger going through your drawers. J.B.
Priestley visited in the autumn of 1933, walking the streets for his book English Journey.
What he wrote became one of the most quoted passages of social observation in 20th century English literature.
Wherever we went, there were men hanging about, not scores of them, but hundreds and thousands of them. The whole town looked as if it had entered a perpetual penniless bleak Sabbath. He saw one thing that moved him more than the rest.
The only cheerful sight I saw there was a game of follow my leader that was being played by seven small children.
But what leader can the rest of us follow? The men had names. Philip McGee, crane operator at Palmers, footballer for St. Bede's, a standing outside the yard gates with nowhere to go. Robert Moore and John Mogie, who'd later lead the marchers mouth organ band, killing time, waiting for something, anything that might give the days a shape. Thomas Dobson, 45, heavily indebted by the closure, who would die of heart failure 8 weeks after the marchers return. These weren't statistics. These were men who built battleships, who understood tolerances and stresses, and the mathematics of metal under load, and who were now being told by their own government that there was nothing to be gained by pretending their skills had value.
The Berlin-born French photographer Gisèle Freund hitchhiked through the Tyneside shipyards and Durham coalfields in 1935.
Her photographs were published in Weekly Illustrated on the 5th of October, almost exactly a year before the crusade departed, and in Life magazine.
One image of Jarrow poverty was printed opposite an official portrait of the Queen Mother with Princesses Elizabeth and Margaret.
The editorial juxtaposition was devastating. Two Britains, one country, no connection between them. Ellen Wilkinson won the Jarrow seat at the 1935 general election, having lost Middlesbrough East in the 1931 Labour collapse.
The borough council was Labour controlled. The chairman was Councillor David Frazer Riley. The mayor was Billy Thompson. In 1936, Riley and the delegation traveled to London to meet Walter Runciman, President of the Board of Trade, the same man who'd called for a clean sweep. Runciman told them, "Jarrow must work out its own salvation." That phrase, Wilkinson would later write, "kindled the town." A town with 75% unemployment, infant mortality nearly double the national rate, and a government that had told it to save itself. That town had one option left.
It could walk. Then, in July 1936, in Jarrow Town Hall, David Riley stood up at a public rally and said the thing that would change everything. If I had my way, I would organize the unemployed of the whole country and march them on London so they would all arrive at the same time. The government would then be forced to listen or turn the military on us. He didn't get the whole country. He got 200 men from one town. It was enough.
Chapter seven. 200 men, one woman, an oak box. The plan came together in September 1936.
200 fit men, medically examined, selected from more than 1,200 volunteers.
Special Branch, monitoring the preparations from London, counted 207.
The documented names number 185.
The route, 282 miles from Jarrow Town Hall to Marble Arch, London. 22 marching days, an average of 12 to 15 miles a day. They carried an oak box with gold lettering, Jarrow Petition, containing just under 12,000 signatures from the town.
They had two blue and white banners, one for the front of the column and one for the rear.
They had a gray painted motor bus, registration plate PT4917, fitted with a field kitchen and bedding.
They had a mouth organ band led by Robert Moore and John Magee.
They had a mascot, a black Labrador called Paddy, and they had Ellen Wilkinson, who would walk as much of the route as her schedule and her health allowed. Riley was the marshal. And Riley was immovable on one point, the march would be non-political.
He refused a donation of 20 pounds from a communist group, declaring publicly that we are determined at all costs to preserve the non-political character of this crusade.
The National Unemployed Workers' Movement had been organizing hunger marches since 1922, but those were communist-led, distrusted by the Labour leadership and the TUC, and easily dismissed by the government as agitation. Riley's men would be different, respectable, ecumenical, irrefutable, working men asking for work.
On the morning of the 5th of October, 1936, the marchers gathered at Christ Church on Clayton Street. James Gordon, Bishop of Jarrow, gave them his blessing. They left from Jarrow Town Hall at a quarter to 9:00. The first day took them 12 miles to Chester-le-Street.
The reception was lukewarm. The second day, Ferryhill, 12 miles, warmer. The third, Darlington, genuinely friendly and notable for the fact that the Conservative-controlled council welcomed them with the same warmth as the labor towns.
The fourth day, Northallerton, 16 miles.
The fifth, Ripon, 17 miles, where the Bishop of Ripon, Geoffrey Lunt, received them in his cathedral city. At Ripon, they rested for 2 days.
Wilkinson left the march to attend the Labour Party conference in Edinburgh.
The conference was hostile. One delegate publicly criticized her for sending hungry and ill-clad men on a march to London.
She returned to the column at Harrogate furious, and Riley wrote that they had been stabbed in the back.
The march pressed south. Harrogate, a conservative spa town, received them warmly. The Rotary Club fed them and the Territorial Army provided bedding.
Leeds, a town hall reception and a collection taken for the return train fare.
At the Leeds stop, the Labrador Paddy ate from a serving tureen to the delight of the local press. Wakefield, Barnsley, where the council opened the municipal baths and heated them specially so the men could wash properly for the first time in days. Wilkinson was given the women's foam bath to herself. Sheffield, Chesterfield, the halfway point, where the Bishop of Jarrow, having initially blessed the march, wrote to The Times publicly distancing himself from it.
On the same day, the cabinet issued a formal statement condemning hunger marches as causing unnecessary hardship for those taking part.
Wilkinson called the statement crocodile tears. Mansfield, the Labour Council defied the national party leadership and welcomed the marchers openly.
Nottingham, the conservative mayor received them. Local manufacturers donated fresh underclothing.
Loughborough, Leicester, where the cooperative societies bootmakers stayed up through the night without pay mending the marchers worn-out boots. Market Harborough, the town with the infant mortality rate of 33, was the least welcoming stop. The men slept on a stone floor. Northampton, Bedford, the longest single day's march at 21 mi, where they were given cigarettes and meat. Luton, St. Albans, where Wilkinson clashed with Baldwin in the Commons. Edgware, and then, on the 31st of October, in heavy rain, the column walked the last 8 and 1/2 mi to Marble Arch, London.
They'd been walking for 26 days. James Walters, one of the marchers, had gained 8 lb, fed better on the road by strangers than he'd been fed in Jarrow by his own country. On the 1st of November, a rally was held in Hyde Park.
Police estimated 3,000 people. The journalist Richie Calder put the figure at 50,000. Wilkinson addressed them, and the words she spoke were the words that would outlast everything else.
Jarrow as a town has been murdered. It has been murdered as a result of the arrangement of two great combines, the shipping combine on the one side and the steel combine on the other.
On the 3rd of November, at the Memorial Hall in Farringdon, Canon Dick Sheppard told the men, "You have so aroused the conscience of the country that things are bound to happen."
Sir John Jarvis announced a small tube mill project for the town.
The marchers' faces said what they thought of it. On the 4th of November, in the House of Commons, Ellen Wilkinson presented the petition. Her speech, recorded in Hansard volume 317, columns 75 to 77, was precise and damning.
During the last 15 years, Jarrow has passed through a period of industrial depression without parallel in the town's history. Its shipyard is closed.
Its steelworks have been denied the right to reopen. Where formerly 8,000 people, many of them skilled workers, were employed, only 100 men are now employed on a temporary scheme. The town cannot be left derelict. The petition was received. It was not debated. There was no government statement. There was no rescue plan. Walter Runciman told the House that the unemployment position in Jarrow had improved during recent months. On the 5th of November, the marchers returned by train to a hero's welcome at Jarrow station, and then they went home to discover that the Unemployment Assistance Board had docked their dole for the 26 days they'd been walking. They were not, the board ruled, available for work. The Jarrow Crusade did not succeed. It produced, in the words of one participant decades later, no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that. Cornelius Conwaylen, the last full distance marcher who died on the 17th of September 2003, aged 93, said the march was a waste of time. Then he paused. But I enjoyed every step. It failed. And by failing it became the most enduring image of 1930s Britain.
>> [snorts] >> And quietly helped build the moral case for the welfare state that came 9 years later.
The men had walked 282 miles to be told their town was not worth saving.
Britain decided eventually that the men had been right and the government had been wrong. It just took a war to prove it.
Chapter 8, the second destruction.
Jarrow salvation, when it finally came, arrived in uniform. By 1939, rearmament was putting men back to work. Not in the numbers Palmers Yard had employed, not in the industries they'd trained for, but enough to break the silence.
Around 100 men worked in a furniture factory.
Up to 500 more found jobs in small metal-based industries set up on fragments of the old Palmers site through Sir John Jarvis's charity schemes.
The new Jarrow Steel Company, a fraction of the integrated steel works that Vosper Thorneycroft proposed and Duncan had killed, finally began operations in 1939.
But the same war that brought work brought bombers.
On the nights of the 9th and 10th of April, 1941, German Dornier aircraft struck Jarrow.
High explosives fell on Princess Street, Station Street, and Sheldon Street. 14 people were killed. 120 were injured.
The likely target was HMS Manchester, a light cruiser waiting in Jarrow Slake, but the bombs fell on the terrace streets instead.
The same streets Palmer had built for his riveters 80 years earlier. Now absorbing a different kind of industrial violence.
It wasn't the first time Jarrow had been hit from the air. In 1915, a Zeppelin bomb had killed 12 men in Palmers coppersmith shop. The war ended, the men came home, and then the second destruction began. Slower than the bombs, quieter than the breakers' hammers, and in the end more thorough than either.
From 1945, the Board of Trade designated Jarrow part of the special areas regime.
The Bede Trading Estate was built on the former industrial land. By October 1951, 18 government-financed factories had been erected on the estate, covering roughly 480,000 square feet. Light engineering, warehousing. Work of a kind, steady, modestly paid, nothing like the 10,000-man cathedral of noise and fire that the shipyard had been, but work.
It was the streets themselves that didn't survive the peace.
From the late 1950s through the 1970s, Jarrow's Victorian terraces, the tightly packed grids that Palmer's expansion had thrown up in the 1860s and 1870s, were condemned as slums. Ellison Street, Caledonian Road, Hill Street, Albion Street, dozens of others. Streets where three generations of the same family had been born, married, and buried within 500 yards of each other. Streets where the front door was never locked because everyone knew everyone. And the shared poverty was also a shared life. The council declared them unfit. The bulldozers came. Families that had survived the closure of the yard, survived the depression, survived the means test, survived the bombs, were decanted, the official word, into new estates and tower blocks at the edges of the town. The word decanted is what you do to wine. It implies improvement. What it meant in practice was the severing of every physical connection these families had to the place where they'd lived for 80 years. In 1961, on the cleared remains of older town center streets, the Arndale Property Trust opened what it called the first Arndale Center in the United Kingdom, a covered shopping precinct on Grange Road. Today it survives as the Viking Center with around 50 shops, over 200,000 square feet of retail, anchored by Morrisons.
On the 17th of February, 1962, the trust unveiled a 5-meter statue of two horned Viking warriors outside the new center, designed by sculptor Colin M. Davidson, ostensibly commemorating the 794 raid on the monastery.
The town was not charmed. The local nicknames, plum and duff, said everything. The march was 26 years in the past. A statue of Vikings to a town whose most recent history was industrial murder and a 200-mile walk for dignity felt like someone had misread the room by about a thousand years. The Tyne Tunnel opened on the 19th of October, 1967.
Queen Elizabeth II cut the ribbon.
Running from Howden to a southern portal at Jarrow, a second bore followed in February 2011. The tunnel brought traffic. It didn't bring the town back.
And in 1974, the year the NSS 40-year sterilization clause finally expired, the former Palmers Riverside began its slow transition to mixed industrial use.
Vickers-Armstrong had kept the Hebburn Dry Dock running as Palmers Hebburn Limited, but Swan Hunter bought it in 1973, and the Palmer name was, in the words of the Shields Gazette, "erased, but never forgotten."
The town that had been killed in 1934 was then physically demolished between 1958 and 1975, not by an enemy, but by a committee. The street where Palmers first riveters had lived, the street where their grandsons had walked to a yard that no longer existed, the street where their great-grandsons had played follow-my-leader while Priestley watched, that street was rubble, then tarmac, then nothing at all.
Chapter 9, The Stones That Remember. And yet at the river, at the church, at the marsh, something older than Palmer, older than the Crusade, older even than the Vikings, was still there.
St. Paul's Church stands where it has stood since 685.
The chancel, Bede's chancel, is the surviving 7th-century chapel. Its walls still holding fragments of colored glass fired 1,300 years ago.
The dedication stone above the chancel arch still reads, in Latin, the date of consecration, the ninth day before the calends of May. The nave was rebuilt by Sir George Gilbert Scott in 1866, but the bones of the building are Saxon, and the ground it sits on has been consecrated longer than almost any other site in England. English Heritage manages the monastery ruins beside it.
The church still holds services every Sunday. Jarrow Hall, Simon Temple's Georgian house of 1785, was rescued from demolition in the 1970s and reopened in April 2017 as Jarrow Hall, Anglo-Saxon Farm, Village and Bede Museum. The farm keeps rare breed livestock on land that Bede himself would have walked across. Schoolchildren come here to learn about the monk who invented their country's history. Most of them live in houses built on streets that replaced the streets that Palmer built.
Jarrow Town Hall still stands on Grange Road, red brick baroque, grade two listed, Fred Rennoldson's design of 1902. Inside the council chamber, a plaque commemorates the night in July 1936 when the decision to march was taken.
Christ Church, with its tall spire, still rises above Clayton Street. The church where Bishop Gordon gave his blessing and then wrote to The Times to take it back. The Charles Mark Palmer statue by Albert Toft, moved in 2007 to make way for the second Tyne Tunnel, now standing opposite the town hall, still gazes towards the river where his yard once stretched for three quarters of a mile. The bronze face is weathered. The river behind it is quiet and the memorials to the crusade have multiplied.
The Spirit of Jarrow, a bronze sculpture by Graham Ibbeson, unveiled on the 5th of October 2001, the 65th anniversary, stands in the Viking Centre.
It depicts marchers, children, a woman with a baby and the mascot dog walking out of the half-built ribs of a ship.
At Jarrow Metro Station, a steel relief by Vince Rea was made from metal recycled from a scrapped vessel.
A tile mural designed by schoolchildren in the 1980s lines a wall nearby.
Streets bear the names of Wilkinson and Riley. The reenactments come at intervals, like anniversaries of a death.
1986, the 50th, at a time when Jarrow once again had one of Britain's highest unemployment rates. 2011, the 75th.
2016, the 80th. 2017, on the Tyne Bridge, for Newcastle University's Freedom on the Tyne finale, a ceremony in which the marchers' ghosts crossed the river one more time. The culture has kept the memory breathing. Alan Price's Jarrow Song in 1974.
Alex Glasgow's play, Whistling at the Milestones in 1977.
Will Todd and Ben Dunwell's opera Burning Road, performed in Durham Cathedral in May 1997, in deliberate defiance of the bishop who had condemned the march 61 years earlier.
Stuart Maconie walked the route again for his book Long Road from Jarrow in 2017.
Thomas Cantrell Dugdale's painting, The Arrival of the Jarrow Marchers in London, viewed from an interior, hangs in the museum of the home. The marchers seen through a window from the warm side of the glass. The town today. The population at the 2021 census, 29,470.
South Tyneside was ranked the 26th most deprived local authority out of 317 nationally.
Families in the northeast experienced the steepest rise in child poverty since 2013, 46% ahead of London and the rest of the country.
The Bede Industrial Estate is mostly light engineering and wear housing. The river is quiet. The hammers do not ring anymore. The two great works produced on this stretch of muddy riverbank, the ecclesiastical history and the John Bowes, have outlasted both the empires that paid for them. The town in between has had to make its peace with both ghosts. Chapter 10, The Verdict. Jarrow is the only town in modern English history that can name the men, the date, and the boardroom in which it was killed. Sir James Lithgow, chairman of National Shipbuilders Security, beneficiary of its purchases, the man who closed his rivals yards while expanding his own. Montagu Norman, governor of the Bank of England, who underwrote the cartel with public money and private influence. Sir Andrew Duncan, chairman of the British Iron and Steel Federation, who killed the rescue steelworks that might have given the town a second life. None of those names is remembered in Jarrow. The names remembered are Bede, Palmer, Wilkinson, Riley, Whalen, Shields, McGee, the builders and the marchers, the people who made things, and the people who refused to accept that the making was over.
Jarrow is the prototype of a story that has since repeated itself across the Western world. A single-industry town raised by Victorian-era capital, killed not by market failure, but by deliberate restructuring at boardroom level, and then memorialized in language and statuary that softens what was done to it. Redcar, Port Talbot, Detroit, Youngstown, Consett. The shape is the same everywhere. The shape was first cut at Jarrow. Ellen Wilkinson understood this before anyone. In 1939, 3 years after the march, she wrote, "If people have to live and bear and bring up their children in bad houses on too little food, their resistance to disease is lowered and they die before they should." She died herself in February 1947, age 55, of an overdose of medication, whether accidental or deliberate has never been settled. She was by then the Minister of Education in Clement Attlee's government, building the welfare state that the march had helped make possible. She did not live to see it finished. A monk wrote the first history of the English here. A man built the first iron screw collier in the world here. A cartel killed a town here. And the people of that town walked 282 miles to make sure that England would remember which of those things had been done to them. England did, mostly.
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