Why Mexican Soldiers Were Terrified By How Comanches Trained Warriors From Age 4

Added: 2026-05-30

[00:00:00]The boy could not have been more than five years old. He was naked except for a small leather cord around his waist, and his hair was tied with strips of buffalo hide. He sat on the back of a pony that had been trained to never stop running. In his small hands, he held a bow that had been cut down to fit his arms. The man watching him was his uncle. The man was not smiling. The boy had been told that morning before sunrise that he would not eat again until he could hit a rabbit from the back of the moving horse. Not a stationary rabbit, a running one. A Mexican lancer captured the year before in a raid south of the Rio Grand, watched from where he was tied to a post. He had been a soldier for seven years. He had fought in the streets of Saltio. He had served under officers trained in the European style. And now, sitting in the dust of a Comanche camp in what is today the Texas panhandle. He watched a child no taller than his own knee fire three arrows in less time than it had taken him in his entire military career to reload a single musket. The Lancers said something then quietly in Spanish. The Comanche woman near him asked what he had said. He told her he had said that he understood now why his country was losing. That was the year 1841. And what that Lancer saw that morning in a camp he did not survive was not training. It was something far older and far stranger and far more terrifying than any army in the Americas had ever faced. To understand what made Mexican soldiers wake up screaming for the rest of their lives, you have to understand what was done to a Comanche boy on the day he turned four. Before we go any deeper into this quick thing. I spent months pulling together every account I could find of what people actually ate out there on the frontier. Not the romantic version, the real one. The sourdough that survived a thousand-mile cattle drive. The biscuits a chuck wagon cook could throw together in 12 minutes flat. 14 authentic Wild West recipes adapted from primary historical sources.

[00:01:45]Compiled into a cookbook called Frontier Kitchen. If you want to actually cook what cowboys and settlers ate, not read about it. The link is in the description below this video. It's also pinned in the top comment. Launch week price is live right now. Now, back to the story.

[00:02:00]The Comanche did not call themselves Comanche. That name came from their enemies. The Ute called them kimmanci, which meant roughly those who want to fight us all the time. The Comanche called themselves numunu, the people.

[00:02:13]And in the language of the people, there was no word for surrender. There was no word for retreat as a permanent thing.

[00:02:19]There was a word for living. And there was a word for dying. And between those two words, there was a long and very specific path that every male child walked from the time he could stand on his own two feet. A Comanche boy was given his first horse before he was given his name. Think about that. Before he had been named, before his identity had been spoken into existence by his family, he had a horse. The horse was usually a gentle mare, older, patient.

[00:02:43]The child was strapped to the back of her with a soft cradle of buffalo hide and she walked him through the camp while his mother went about her work. By the time the boy could walk on his own legs by 2 years old, by three he was riding alone. Bearback, no saddle, no rains. He understood as we understand them. He learned to grip with his thighs the way a child of our world learns to grip a spoon. It became unconscious.

[00:03:07]At four years old, the formal training began. Surviving accounts from the time tell us this was not a ceremony. There was no announcement. One morning the boy simply found that he was no longer welcome at the cooking fire of the women. His uncles or sometimes an older brother or sometimes a grandfather would come for him before sunrise and they would take him to the edge of the camp and they would hand him a bow. It was a small bow made for his arms, but it was a real bow with real arrows. And from that morning forward until the day he became a man, his life had one purpose, to learn the horse. to learn the arrow, to learn the silence. The first thing a Comanche boy was taught was not how to shoot. It was how to fall. He was made to ride at a gallop and then deliberately throw himself from the horse, landing in such a way that he could roll, recover, and remount in a single fluid motion. He did this for hours. He did this until his ribs were bruised. He did this until his elbows bled. According to accounts collected by Spanish missionaries in the early 1700s and later confirmed by Texan captives who lived among the Comanche, a boy was expected to be able to drop from a moving horse, grab an object the size of a coin from the dirt and remount all in under 3 seconds. The object was sometimes a small stone, sometimes a piece of bone, sometimes in later years it was a knife. This is the part that the Mexican officers when they finally understood what they were facing found impossible to accept. a grown lancer of the Mexican army in full regalia with a saber and a pistol and a horse, trained for years, could not do what a six-year-old Comanche boy could do in his sleep. The Mexican officer rode upright. He sat in a heavy military saddle. He held his reigns with both hands. The Comanche, by the time he was eight, could ride at full gallop, hanging off the side of his horse, his entire body hidden behind the animals flank, firing arrows under the horse's neck while moving at 30 m an hour. 30 miles an hour while shooting accurately under the neck of a running animal.

[00:04:58]There's a Texas Ranger captain named John Salmon Ford called Rip Ford by the men who rode with him who saw more mounted combat against the Comanche than perhaps any other white man who lived to write about it. Ford served from the 1840s through the 1850s. And in his memoirs, he wrote something that has been quoted many times, but which most people missed the weight of. He wrote that inside 50 yards, a Comanche bow was the equal of a Texas Rangers revolver and that a Comanche from horseback could reliably put an arrow through a running horse at 100 yards. That is the length of a football field from a moving target into a moving target with a weapon made of wood and senue by a man who had been practicing since he was four. Now think about what the Mexican soldier was bringing to that fight. In the 1830s and 40s, the standard musket in Mexican service was a smooth boore weapon, often a model based on the old Spanish escaped or the British brown bess captured or purchased after independence. These were singleshot muzzle loading firearms. To reload one, a soldier had to dismount or at the very least halt his horse. He had to bite open a paper cartridge with his teeth. He had to pour powder down the barrel. He had to ram the ball home with a rod. He had to prime the pan. And then he had to aim. The best trained European soldier could manage two, maybe three shots a minute under ideal conditions.

[00:06:14]The average Mexican conscript, often armed with a weapon that had been issued to his grandfather, often with powder that had gotten damp the night before, was lucky to get off one good shot before the Comanche was on top of him.

[00:06:24]One good shot. And in the time it took that soldier to reload, the Comanche could fire 20 arrows, 20 from horseback, at a gallop from under the neck of the horse, from any angle with killing force at 50 yards and harassing fire out to 100. A frier named Bonito Fernandez, writing in 1743, sent a letter to the Spanish viceroy in Mexico City, warning about a new people coming down from the north. He described them as excellent, disciplined, and brave warriors. He said they made the Apache who had been the terror of the northern provinces for a hundred years, afraid for their lives.

[00:06:58]He compared them in his letter to the Syrians of antiquity. He did not yet know their name, the Spanish, the Mexicans, and eventually the Texans would spend the next 140 years learning it. The arithmetic of the Comanche raid was something the Mexican military command sitting in their offices in Mexico City could never quite bring themselves to believe. They got the reports. They read the dispatches. and they could not accept what the numbers told them. Between 1831 and 1848, surviving records suggest at least 44 major Comanche raids penetrated the Rio Grand. They killed more than 2,600 Mexicans. They took more than 800 captives. They stole more than 100,000 head of livestock. And in all of that, the Mexican defenders, the soldiers, the militia, the lancers, the rancheros killed about 700 Comanche in return. Do the math. For every Comanche who fell, three Mexicans died. For every Comanche horse that bolted home empty, 14 Mexican horses, mules, or cattle were dragged across the river to be sold in the markets of Texas. It was not a war. It was a slow exanguination of a country by men trained from the age of four to bleed it. I want to take you to a place, a town called Bamante in the state of Niveolon. Today, it is a quiet community with a famous cave and a marketplace and a colonial church. But between 1848 and 1860, in that small town alone, the Comanche killed 71 people and took 18 others away. 71 in one small town. And the official response from the central government of Mexico, according to records held in the state archives, was a militia force of around 100 Talax Kalan and Alazapa men. 100 to defend the mountain passes of an entire northern frontier against war parties that in their largest raids numbered 800 warriors on horseback. The newspaper editors in Mexico City began writing in tones that ranged from anger to despair.

[00:08:46]That one day soon there would be Comanche war parties riding through the streets of the capital itself. And then in October of 1840, 200 Comanche warriors did exactly that. They rode through the streets of downtown Durango on horseback in broad daylight unchallenged. The garrison of the city watched them pass. There is no record that a single shot was fired. The Comanche took what they came for and they left. And the people of Durango, the women in the markets, the priests in their churches, the old men in their doorways, watched them go and said nothing. How does that happen? How does an army that defeated the Spanish, that fought for and won its independence, that had cannons and uniforms and military schools and West Point trained officers in its ranks? How does it watch 200 horsemen ride through one of its largest cities unopposed? The answer is not what you think. It is not corruption, though there was corruption.

[00:09:37]It is not cowardice, though some men did run. The answer is that by the 1840s, every Mexican commander on the northern frontier had learned the same lesson.

[00:09:46]And the lesson was this. If you engage the Comanche on open ground, you will lose. If you pursue them, they will lead you into a place where the wind and the dust and the silence will swallow your men, and not one of them will come home.

[00:09:58]If you try to fight them on horseback, they will ride circles around you, firing arrows from positions you cannot see, from angles you cannot defend with a rate of fire that your weapons cannot match. The only thing you can do is hide. Lock your gates, pray to the saints, and wait for them to pass. There is something else, too, that does not get talked about. The lance, the Comanche, when they closed in for the kill, often laid down the bow and took up the lance. It was a thing of fearsome simplicity. A wooden shaft 8 to 10 ft long tipped with a steel point. Some of those steel points had been forged in Birmingham in England and shipped through trade networks that ran from the Atlantic seabboard all the way to the high plains. Others had been hammered out of stolen Mexican sabers, broken cavalry swords reworked into spear points. A Comanche lancer on a galloping horse could drive that spear through a man with such force that the point would emerge from the other side. There are accounts written by army surgeons who later treated the rare survivors of such attacks, of wounds that defied belief. A man in the Texas militia in 1845 took a lance thrust that passed through his left shoulder between his ribs and exited at the right hip. He lived. Most did not. The bow itself, the weapon that defined the Comanche way of war, was a marvel of small engineering. It was made from the heartwood of Osage orange when they could find it or from the boad dark tree that grew along certain river valleys. The wood was cut in the autumn when the sap was low. It was shaped over weeks, sometimes months, with patience and care. The grain was studied, the bend was watched. Senue from the back of a buffalo bull was glued along the back of the bow with hide glue to add tension to give it spring. The bowring was made from twisted senue or from rawhide depending on the season. The whole bow finished was about 4 ft long, compact, easy to carry on horseback, and in the hands of a man who had been shooting since he was four. It could send an arrow clean through a buffalo side to side with the arrow head emerging from the opposite ribs and falling into the grass on the other side, through a buffalo, the largest land animal in North America, with a bow you could fit under your arm. The arrows themselves were made by a specialist craftsman within the band. The shafts were cut from straight willow or dogwood, peeled, sanded, straightened over a small fire.

[00:12:08]They were fletched with three feathers, almost always from a turkey or an eagle.

[00:12:12]The points in the early years were made of stone. Flint or obsidian napped with patience by old men who had learned the craft from their grandfathers. By the 1830s and 40s, most Comanche arrows were tipped with metal. Some of that metal was traded for legitimately at trading posts along the Arkansas River. Some of it was scavenged. Old hoop iron from barrels. Old kitchen knives, old saw blades. The Comanche learned which metals took an edge and which did not.

[00:12:37]And the warriors of a single war party might carry arrows of half a dozen different metals, all retipped and refletched by their own hands during long winter evenings around the fire.

[00:12:46]And here is a detail that the Mexican army never quite figured out how to deal with. The arrowheads used in war, as opposed to those used in hunting, were tied to the shaft in a different way. A hunting arrow head was tied tightly. The hunter wanted to recover his arrow to use it again. A war arrow head was tied loosely. If the arrow struck a man, the shaft could be pulled out, but the head, the steel head would stay inside him. A wound from a Comanche war arrow was almost impossible to clean properly with the medical knowledge available in northern Mexico in the 1840s. A man might survive the initial wound. He almost never survived the infection that followed. The army surgeons of the period wrote in their letters home that a Comanche arrow wound in the belly was a death sentence. They knew this. The Comanche knew this. Every soldier who had to ride against them knew this. And every time a Mexican lancer mounted his horse to ride out against a Comanche war party in the back of his mind, he was thinking about it. This is the moment, by the way, where I want to ask you something. If you're still with me, if you've made it this far, do me a small favor. Hit the subscribe button. It's free. It cost you nothing. And every single person who subscribes helps me keep telling these stories the way they deserve to be told. Stories that don't get covered in school. Stories where both sides are people. Stories where the history is more strange and more terrible and more human than any movie.

[00:14:00]That's what we do here. So if that sounds like your kind of channel, welcome aboard. Now let's keep going because we still have not answered the real question. We have talked about the result. We have talked about the bow. We have talked about the horse. But we have not yet talked about the boy and what was done to him and why. A Comanche male child at four years old was given a small bow and a quiver of practice arrows. By the time he was six, he was expected to be able to hit a moving rabbit from horseback. By the time he was eight, he was expected to be able to ride at a full gallop while hanging from the side of the horse, his body shielded by the animals flank, and to fire arrows from under the horse's neck while doing so. By the time he was 10, he was riding on hunting parties, not as a hunter, but as a herder of the captured stock and the spare horses. By the time he was 12, he was beginning to ride on raids. Not as a warrior, as a learner, watching, listening, holding the spare ponies. By the time he was 15, in some cases as young as 14, he was a warrior, fully fledged, marked, counted, a member of the war party in his own right. You're reading those years and you're thinking 15 as a child. And in our world, that is true. But in the world of the people, on the high plains, in the wind and the buffalo grass and the cold winter camps along the Canadian River, 15 was not a child. 15 was a man who had been training for his life for 11 years. 11 years. Think of how good you are at the thing you've been doing for 11 years.

[00:15:25]Now imagine that thing is fighting from horseback with a bow against everyone the world had ever sent against you. And imagine that the day you stopped training was the day you died. A small detail that almost no one knows. Among the Comanche, a young boy who could not hit his targets, who could not master the horse, who failed at the bow, was not punished. He was not beaten. He was not shamed. He was simply left alone. He would grow up. He would live in the camp. He would work alongside the women.

[00:15:54]And he would never be considered a man.

[00:15:56]He would never marry. He would never own horses of his own. He would never sit at the warriors fire. He would be invisible. There are surviving accounts collected from elderly Comanche in the early 20th century by ethnographers of men in the camps who had failed. They were not hated. They were just not seen.

[00:16:11]To the boys of the camp growing up, looking at those silent men sitting on the outside of every gathering, this was a fate considered worse than any wound.

[00:16:20]So the boys did not fail. They could not. This was the training that produced the warriors who terrified the Mexican army. Not cruelty, not abuse. a long, slow 12-year apprenticeship that began before most children in our world have learned to read. And the result on the field of battle was something that European trained military men for nearly 300 years never figured out how to defeat. The Spanish tried, the Mexicans tried, the Texans tried, the United States Army tried, and for a long, long time they all lost. There was a phenomenon that the Comanche themselves had a name for, though the translation is difficult. It was something like the moon of the raid when the harvest moon rose full and yellow over the plains in September. The Comanche knew that the grass was tall, that the horses were fat, that the buffalo had been hunted, that the meat had been dried for winter, and the long nights of the autumn moon were perfect for riding. The Texans called this the Comanche moon. In the towns of San Antonio, of Golad, of Castraville, of Fredericksburg, men would step outside on the first cool nights of September, look up at that full yellow enormous moon, and feel something cold settle in their chest because they knew what was coming. The Comanche were already on the move. 200 miles north, 800 warriors were already painting their horses and tying eagle feathers into the mains. By the second week, they would cross the Noises. By the third, they would be at the Rio Grand. By the fourth, they would be deep into Mexico. And by the time the snow fell in the mountains of Kowila, they would be riding home, driving stolen herds before them with new captives and new wealth and new stories to tell their sons, their sons who were already at four years old on their ponies, already training, already learning. I want to talk about one specific raid because the numbers tell a story that nothing else can tell. In September of 1840, a war party of around 500 Comanche led by a Penitecha chief named Buffalo Hump swept down through central Texas. They rode 300 miles south. They attacked Victoria.

[00:18:17]They sacked Lynville on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico while the residents fled in boats out into the bay and watched their homes burn from the water. They took everything that could be carried, including, according to accounts of survivors, several thousand horses. And then they turned around and rode home 300 miles with a herd of horses so large that the rear guard could not see the front of the column. And the Texas Rangers, the militia, the army of the Republic of Texas, the most experienced Indian fighters on the frontier could only chase them. They caught up at a place called Plum Creek. They engaged.

[00:18:50]They killed perhaps 80 Comanche. But they did not stop them. The herd came home. The captives came home with them.

[00:18:57]And the message had been sent from the Yano esticcado. all the way to the Gulf Coast. The Comanche had ridden, taken, and returned. What that raid did was something more important than the deaths in the property. It told every Mexican governor, every Texan rancher, every Anglo settler, every American officer that the country they thought they controlled, they did not control. They controlled the daylight. They controlled the towns where the walls were high.

[00:19:20]They did not control the night. They did not control the open country. They did not control the moon. There was a Texas Ranger who served on the frontier during this period whose name was Robert Hall.

[00:19:29]He wrote in a memoir published much later that the worst sound a man could hear on the prairie was not the war cry.

[00:19:35]It was not the thundering of hooves. It was the silence that came after. Because when the dust settled, when the scream stopped, when the horse's hoof beatats faded into the distance, you knew you were alive. And you knew that meant somebody you loved was not. That was the calculation of the Comanche raid. They did not come to occupy. They did not come to convert. They did not come to negotiate. They came to take. And then they vanished. And the silence they left behind was the loudest thing in the world. One more detail before we go further. The shield. Every Comanche warrior carried a shield made from the toughest part of a buffalo bull's neckhide. It was layered, smoked, and shrunk over a fire until it was, in the words of one Mexican officer's surviving report, harder than any wood and equal in stopping power to thick iron. It was small, about the size of a dinner plate.

[00:20:21]It was held on the left arm and a Comanche warrior in combat could rotate it to deflect a musket ball at the moment of impact. Now, no shield can stop a direct hit from a musket at close range. But the Comanche knew that they did not need to stop the ball. They needed to deflect it to turn it away by a few degrees. And from a moving horse with a shield that spun on the warrior's arm like a discus, that small deflection was enough. There are accounts of Comanche warriors riding into musket fire and emerging unscathed, their shields bristling with arrow points from previous fights and now also bearing the deep grooves of Mexican lead. They wore those grooves like metals. Each one was a man who had tried to kill them and missed. The Mexican response to this, when it finally came, was not what you might expect. The central government in Mexico City was preoccupied with civil wars, foreign invasions, and the constant churn of presidents and dictators. They could not or would not send a real army north. The northern states, Kowila, Novolon, Chihuahua, Durango, Zakitecus were on their own.

[00:21:19]And what they did in the 1840s and 50s was something that the history books of either country do not like to talk about. They began to hire mercenaries.

[00:21:27]They paid for scalps. Scout bounties were placed on the heads of Comanche and Apache warriors and men from all over the borderlands, Anglo gunfighters, former Texas Rangers, Shaunie and Delaware Indians from further north, and a particularly grim band of professional scalp hunters led by a man named James Kirker came south to collect the bounties. The result was a frontier where horror was answered with horror and where the lines between soldier and bandit, between Indian and white, between justice and atrocity dissolved into a fog of blood. It does not make for a clean story. It does not make for heroes on either side. It makes for what the historian Brian Delay has called the war of a thousand deserts. And in that war, the Comanche were not the only ones doing terrible things. They were just very, very good at the things they did.

[00:22:11]You're 40 minutes into this video, more or less. If you've been with me this far, I want to thank you because most people don't have the attention span for stories like this anymore. Most people want the highlight reel, the clip, the fast cut. But the truth of what happened on this continent in the years between 1840 and 1875 doesn't fit into a clip.

[00:22:29]It needs to be told slowly. It needs to be sat with. And if you're the kind of person who can do that, you and I are going to get along just fine. So what happened? How did it end? Because we know how it ended. The Comanche are no longer the lords of the plains. The reservation came. The boundaries came.

[00:22:45]The buffalo were killed off almost to the last animal in a deliberate campaign by the United States government to break the back of the plains tribes by destroying their food supply. The horses were taken. The boughs were put away.

[00:22:56]The children, the small boys who would have been on their ponies at four years old were instead taken from their families and sent to boarding schools where speaking their own language earned them a beating. The training that had built the most feared light cavalry in the world for over a century was broken in a single generation by a policy decision made in Washington. But before that, before the end, there was one more thing. Because the question is not just what happened to the Comanche. The question is, what was it like to be a Mexican soldier facing them? And to answer that, you have to understand something about the geography. The northern frontier of Mexico in the 1840s was not a defined border. It was a vast empty country with isolated towns and missions scattered across hundreds of miles of brush and desert. A Mexican garrison in a town like Bavispe or San Buvententura might have 50 men. 50 men with musketss that misfired in damp weather in a town with low adobe walls surrounded by an ocean of country that they did not control and could not patrol. And out in that country the Comanche moved like wind. They came when they came. They left when they left. And the soldiers in those towns spent their nights listening, listening to the dogs, listening to the horses, listening for the sound that meant the moon had brought them. There is a letter written by a Mexican lieutenant named Jose Maria De Jesus Kabajal in 1842 sent to his commanding officer in Mterrey which describes a single night in his life. He had been stationed in a small town in Kila with 15 men under his command. They received word that a Comanche war party had been seen north of the town. He posted centuries. He doubled the watch.

[00:24:29]He prepared his men. And [snorts] then in the small hours of the morning, his sentries reported that they could hear nothing. Nothing at all. No coyotes, no owls, no wind, just silence. And he wrote in his letter that he had never been so afraid as he was in that silence because the silence meant something was out there and it was deciding whether to come in. The Comanche did not come that night. They had moved on to another town. And in the morning, when the news of the other town's fate arrived, the lieutenant wrote, "His men knelt in the dirt of the plaza and gave thanks, not for victory, for having been passed over. That was what it was to be a Mexican soldier in those years. To live in a country where being passed over by the enemy was the only victory you could ever hope to win. I want to come back to the boy, the four-year-old, because we have talked about him as an instrument of war, but he was a child and the people who trained him loved him. This is a thing that history books often miss because the violence is so loud that it drowns out everything else. But the Comanche, by every surviving account from people who lived among them, were extraordinarily affectionate with their children. They did not beat them. They did not punish them physically. They taught by example. They taught by stories. They taught by patience. A Comanche grandfather might spend three days teaching a small boy how to string a bow correctly, never raising his voice, never showing frustration, simply doing it again and again and again until the boy understood. The grandmothers told stories of the people's long migration south, of the spirits in the rivers and the canyons, of the first hunt of the first man, of the meaning of the wind. The mothers carried their babies in cradle boards on their backs as they worked, never out of arms reach, never alone. By every measure of what we today call good parenting, the Comanche were extraordinary parents. And then at four, the boy was given the bow. The contradiction at the heart of this is something I have thought about for a long time. How does a culture this gentle with its children produce warriors this terrible to its enemies?

[00:26:26]And the answer, I think, is this. To the people, there was only one rule that mattered. The people had to survive. And on the plains, in the world they had built around the horse and the buffalo, survival meant war. War with the Apache to the south, who had been driven out of the southern plains by Comanche expansion, war with the Pawnee to the north, war with the Yos to the east, war with the Ute to the west, and eventually war with Mexicans, with Texans, with Anglo, with everyone. The training of the four-year-old was not cruelty. It was love. It was the love of a parent who knows that the world outside the camp is a world that will, if it can, kill their child. And so they prepare the child not to be a victim, not ever, to be a warrior, to be the one who comes home. That is the thing the Mexican soldiers eventually came to understand.

[00:27:16]They were not facing a tribe. They were not facing an army. They were facing a people whose entire culture, every song, every story, every game played by every child from the age of four was a training in war. There was no off day for the Comanche. There was no civilian life. Every man, every horse, every bow, every shield was always ready. And against that, a peasant conscript with a misfiring musket posted to a fort he had never wanted to be at in a country that he had never seen until the year before, did not stand a chance. By the 1850s, things began to change. The American Army, after the Mexican-American War, established a string of forts across what is today West Texas and New Mexico.

[00:27:56]The Texas Rangers, after the introduction of the Colt revolver, particularly the Walker Colt of 1847 and later the Dragoon and the Navy Colt, finally had a weapon that could match the Comanche bow at close range. A man with two Colt revolvers, had 12 shots before he had to reload. 12 shots.

[00:28:12]Suddenly the math began to shift and the Comanche who had been masters of the close-in cavalry charge for over a hundred years began to lose those engagements. Not always, not even often at first, but sometimes and in war sometimes. It is enough to begin the end. In 1849, a chalera epidemic swept through the southern plains. The disease was brought west by gold rush travelers heading to California. The Comanche, like all the plains tribes, had no immunity. Surviving estimates suggest that as many as half of all Comanche people died in that single year. Half whole bands were wiped out. Whole camps were left empty. The teepeees standing like ghosts on the prairie. The training that had produced generations of warriors could not be passed on if there were no children left to receive it. The buffalo hunted out by white hide hunters who came west in the 1870s with new longrange rifles capable of killing a buffalo from half a mile away began to disappear. By 1875, there were perhaps a thousand wild buffalo left on the southern plains. From an original population estimated in the tens of millions. Without the buffalo, the Comanche could not feed themselves, could not clothe themselves, could not make the bows and shields and ropes and tepee covers that their entire way of life depended on. The horse culture that had taken nearly 200 years to build began to come apart in less than two decades. In June of 1875, the last free band of Comanche, the Quadi, led by a chief named Quana Parker, came into the reservation at Fort Sil in what is today Oklahoma. They came in voluntarily, not because they had been defeated in battle. They had not. They came in because they had nothing left to eat, because the buffalo were gone, because the children were starving. And the four-year-olds who would have been on their ponies that summer learning to draw a bow were instead sitting on the floor of a wooden building being taught English by a teacher from Pennsylvania.

[00:29:57]Within a single generation, the training was lost. The horses were taken away.

[00:30:01]The men who had been the most feared light cavalry in the world became, in the eyes of the government that had broken them, simply Indians. People to be managed, people to be civilized, people to be forgotten. But the memory did not die. Among the descendants of the Comanche, today living mostly in Oklahoma, the stories are still told.

[00:30:20]The grandfathers tell them to grandchildren. The horse, even now, is sacred. The bow is still made by some hands in the old way. And when in World War II, the United States Army needed a group of soldiers to transmit messages that the Germans could not decipher, they came to the Comanche. 17 young men, descendants of the warriors who had once made an entire country tremble, served as code talkers. They sent messages across the battlefields of Normandy in a language their grandfathers had spoken in the Buffalo camps of the Yano Esticado. And the Germans, with all their technology, with all their cryptographers, could not break it. They never broke it. There is a Comanche elder whose words were recorded in the 1970s for the Oklahoma Historical Society who said something I have not been able to forget. He said that when his grandfather was a small boy, the old men of the camp told him a story. They told him that the Namunu had been given a gift by the spirits long ago, the gift of the horse. And with the gift came a warning. The horse, the spirit said, would make the people masters of the plains, but it would also in the end lead them to the place where the plains would end. And when the plains ended, the people would have to learn a new way. The boy had asked his grandfather what that new way would be, and his grandfather had said, "We do not know yet because we have not finished learning it." Before we close this out, I want to take you inside one specific Mexican garrison because the bow and the horse, the speed and the silence are easier to picture from the outside, from the Comanche side, from the side of the people who were winning. To really feel why this story was so terrible, you have to stand for a minute in the boots of the men who were losing. The year is 1846. The place is the village of Paris in what is today the state of Kohaila.

[00:32:00]It is a small place, famous in those days for its wine and its grapes, sitting in a green valley surrounded by hundreds of miles of dry brush country.

[00:32:08]The garrison numbers about 30 soldiers under the command of a captain whose name has not survived in the records I have been able to find. They have 18 musketss in working order. They have one small cannon which has not been fired in seven years and which the local blacksmith doubts will fire at all. They have a stockade made of cottonwood logs that is according to the captain's own dispatches rotting in three places. And they are responsible in theory for the defense of about 8,000 square miles of country. 8,000 square miles, 30 men, 18 musketss, one cannon that probably will not fire. This is what the Mexican military looked like on the northern frontier in the years that the Comanche were riding south. The captain in Paris wrote to his superiors that he could not in good conscience lead his men out against a Comanche war party. He wrote that to do so would be to lead them to certain death. He wrote that the only hope of his garrison and of the village was the kindness of God and the disinterest of the Indians. That is a quote more or less from his own letter, the kindness of God and the disinterest of the Indians. That was his strategy.

[00:33:09]That was the military doctrine of the northern Mexican frontier. Pray and hope they pass you by. A Mexican soldier in that garrison, lying on his pallet at night, listening to the wind in the cottonwoods and the dogs barking in the distance, knew exactly what would happen if the Comanche came. The stockade would not hold them. The musketss would at best kill one or two of them. The cannon would not fire. And the warriors, 200 or 400 or 600 of them, every man trained from the age of four, would come over the walls and through the gates and into the houses. And they would take everything that could be taken, including the horses out of the corral, and they would ride away by moonlight.

[00:33:46]And in the morning, those who had survived, the soldiers who had hidden, the women who had been overlooked, the old men who had been left for dead, would crawl out of the ruins of their village, and they would have to begin again from nothing. That happened, that happened many times across hundreds of small Mexican settlements in the 1840s and 50s. We do not have the names of most of those villages. We do not have the names of the soldiers who died defending them or the soldiers who lived by hiding, but it happened. town after town after town. And each time the report would go to Mexico City, and each time Mexico City would have other concerns. Civil Wars, the loss of Texas, the invasion by the Americans in 1846, the loss of California, the presidency of Antonio Lopez to Santa Ana, lost and won and lost again. And the men of the North, the Lancers and the ranchers and the priests and the women were left to face the moon by themselves. There is one story that survives from a place called El Cararman in northern Kila. A Comanche war party of perhaps 300 warriors arrived at the edge of the village just before dawn. The garrison commander, an old soldier named Don Antonio, had been warned three days earlier by a vaker who had seen tracks.

[00:34:53]He had gathered every man, every woman, every adult who could hold a weapon into the village church, which had thick adobe walls and a single ironbound door.

[00:35:00]They barricaded themselves inside. They had four musketss, a dozen lances, an old sword, and a few pistols. The Comanche surrounded the church. They probed it for an hour. They tried to set fire to the wooden parts of the roof.

[00:35:11]They could not get in. And after a time, they took what they could from the village, the horses, the corn, the goats, and they rode away. Don Antonio, when he finally opened the door of the church the next morning, found that his village had been emptied. But every person who had made it to the church was alive. He wrote in the dispatch he sent later that he had defended his people not with weapons but with stone, with the church, with the door, with prayer, and with the patience of an old man who had learned after 20 years on this frontier that the only way to survive the Comanche was to be where they could not reach you and to wait for them to leave now to Cynthia Anne Parker.

[00:35:47]Because to understand the Comanche, you have to understand the woman whose son became their last great chief. In May of 1836, a Comanche raiding party attacked a small fortified settlement in East Texas called Fort Parker. Several members of the Parker family were killed. Several were taken. One of the captives was a nine-year-old girl, Cynthia Anne, who would spend the next 24 years living with the Comanche. She became in time the wife of a Comanche war chief named Peta Noona. She bore him three children. The oldest of those children was a boy. His name was Quana.

[00:36:18]And Quana Parker with the blood of Texas pioneers in his veins would grow up to become the last great war chief of the Comanche. The leader of the Quadi band.

[00:36:26]The man who held out on the high plains longer than any other Comanche. The man who finally led his people into Fort Sil in 1875.

[00:36:33]Cynthia Anne herself was recaptured by Texas Rangers in 1860, taken back to her white relatives and never adjusted. She tried repeatedly to escape and returned to the Comanche. She refused to speak English. She mourned her Comanche family for the rest of her life. and she died in 1870 never knowing that her son had become the most famous Comanche of the age. That is what the captives lived.

[00:36:54]That is the kind of pull this culture had. A girl taken at nine raised by warriors and grandmothers in the great open silence of the plains could not would not be brought back. The Comanche even after 150 years of being told they were savages by every newspaper and every government in the country had built a way of life that to those who had truly lived inside it was worth dying to defend. The training of the four-year-old in the end was about that.

[00:37:19]Not about killing Mexicans, not about terrifying Texans, not about plunder or revenge or even survival. It was about belonging. It was about being one of the people. It was about the slow, patient, lifelong process of becoming the kind of man or the kind of woman who knew the wind, who knew the horse, who knew the buffalo, who knew the stars over the Yano esticcado at midnight in mid-inter, and who understood in a way that no outsider could ever understand what it meant to be home in a country that had no walls. That is what the Mexican soldier in his fort with his misfiring musket could not match. Not the bow, not the horse, not the speed, or the silence or the discipline. He could not match the belonging, the thing that made each one of those warriors four years old or 40, willing to die because they were exactly where they were supposed to be.

[00:38:05]And the soldier who had been conscripted out of a village he loved, sent north to a country he did not know, to defend a town whose name he could not pronounce, against an enemy he could not see. That soldier, even before the first arrow was fired, had already lost the war. The Comanche were home. He was not. We started this video with a small boy on a horse watched by a captured Mexican lancer who finally understood why his country was losing. That lancer did not come home. The records of his capture do not include the records of his fate. He is one of more than 800 Mexican captives whose lives ended somewhere in the camps of the people in the buffalo grass of West Texas and the high deserts of New Mexico. We do not know his name. We do not know what happened to him. But what he saw in those last weeks of his life in a camp where a 5-year-old could outshoot any soldier of his country.

[00:38:53]That is what we have just spent an hour together trying to understand. Why the Mexican army, the heir of empires, could not stop a people of perhaps 20,000 souls from raiding their country, taking their wealth, and riding home in the moonlight unopposed. The answer was the boy, the four-year-old with the bow that was made for his arms and the horse that had been waiting for him since before he had a name. If you want to taste the food that was eaten in this country in these years by the cowboys and the rancheros and the settlers and the soldiers who lived through the time of the Comanche moon, I have something for you. I compiled 14 authentic recipes drawn from primary historical sources, the diaries of trail cooks, the cookbooks of military wives, the household ledgers of frontier families.

[00:39:36]The cookbook is called Frontier Kitchen.

[00:39:38]14 dishes from the 1840s to the 1890s, adapted for your modern kitchen. The link is in the description below this video. It is also pinned in the top comment. Launch week pricing is on right now. Subscribe to the channel if you have not yet. There are more stories like this one. Stories that take their time. Stories that respect both sides.

[00:39:57]Stories that try in the small way that a video can to do justice to the people who lived and died on this land long before any of us got here. Until next time, partners.