This analysis skillfully moves beyond historical clichés to reveal the nuanced friction between two egos that couldn't coexist in one empire. It is a sharp, well-researched look at how personal independence inevitably clashes with absolute power.
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Bernadotte and Napoleon: Friends or Enemies?Added:
[music] [music] >> Bernadotte is a decisive figure within Napoleonic history and his switch of allegiance, joining the coalition against France after becoming the Swedish Crown Prince, is unfortunately frequently the cause of this.
Too often this latter switch of loyalty has clouded and influenced the minds of both his contemporaries as well as some modern historians when commenting upon his earlier actions during the First Republic as well as his time as a Marshal of France.
This is especially true when it comes to the nature of his relationship with Napoleon with many writers retroactively portraying the pair as always being the best of enemies from the moment of their first meeting and with Bernadotte in particular always seen as seeking to undermine Napoleonic rule at every opportunity.
The truth is that their relationship was complicated and constantly evolving as events around them shaped their positions within various hierarchies.
For example, once Napoleon became emperor the nature of their relationship was naturally going to change.
Therefore, in the following video we will trace and analyze the relationship between Bernadotte and Napoleon from their first meeting in 1797 until 1809 which is the point at which I believe the divide between the two men truly began to take a shape that would prove difficult to reconcile, a subject which will be the topic of a future video.
Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte began his military career in 1780 joining the Royale La Marine and he actually spent 18 months of his time as a private on the island of Corsica during a time when the Bonaparte family still resided there. Unfortunately, he never actually crossed paths with his future emperor for the younger Napoleon was away at the military academy in Brienne during this period.
By the time of the French Revolution in 1789, Bernadotte found himself as the senior sergeant major in the regiment and 3 years later, just prior to the commencement of the revolutionary wars, he was commissioned as a lieutenant in 1792.
The revolutionary ideals and possibility of promotion based upon merit and not birthright opened the path for many French officers during these wars and Bernadotte's exploits saw him rapidly rise to the highest of ranks with 1794 being a particularly successful year for him.
In January, he was a captain. In February, he was lieutenant colonel. In April, he became colonel. In June, general of brigade. In November, general of division.
He had distinguished himself on the Sambre, at Fleurus, at the battles of Ourthe and of the Roer, and at the siege of Maastricht.
This rapid rise was not because of any political connections, but the result of battlefield success where he combined skill and bravery as a natural leader of men.
Even before his promotion to general of division, he had already been entrusted with commanding a division for several months and in the recommendation which earned that final promotion, his commander-in-chief, Kléber, had the following to say.
I cannot praise General Bernadotte too highly. Always under the sharpest of fire, he made his dispositions with heroic calm. His indefatigable courage and his intrepidity decided the fate of the battle.
He was therefore at this point a highly regarded and popular figure within the army and with general of division being the highest attainable rank available in the armies of revolutionary France.
Bernadotte spent 1795 and 1796 commanding a division in the Army of the Sambre et Meuse along the Rhine, here he saw continued success and for a while worked alongside a certain Colonel Ney, with whom he struck up a close friendship. He even faced at one point across the battlefield the Austrian Archduke Charles, who would famously later inflict Napoleon's first serious defeat as emperor at Aspern-Essling.
Bernadotte's battles against Charles were never more than rear-guard actions, but being constantly outnumbered, the French general did extremely well in keeping his opponent at bay and skillfully buying time for the main French army. In commenting on these engagements, the historian Pips heaps praise on Bernadotte.
It is true that his withdrawal from Dining had thrown open the Nuremberg Road, but no blame seems to have been laid on him for that. In fact, in the dangerous position in which he had been placed, most generals would have been considered fortunate to escape with twice the loss he had suffered from the scientific prince.
At the beginning of 1797, Bernadotte and his division were shifted to the Italian front, where they came under the command of a certain General Bonaparte, who Bernadotte was to duly meet for the first time.
Apparently, at least according to Bernadotte, Napoleon received him with kindness and despite the myths that developed because of later events, it seems that initially the two men got on well and during the campaign that followed, Napoleon came to respect both Bernadotte's ability as a general as well as his strong and independent nature. And for his part, Bernadotte recognized the abilities of his new commander-in-chief, though as Barton shrewdly notes in his biography of Bernadotte, already in these character assessments were the seeds of discomfort to be found from both sides.
The germs of jealousy and suspicion had already found a place in Bernadotte's mind. Jealousy of this astonishing young man more than six years younger than himself, yet his superior in education, in knowledge of the world, in military attainments, and in military fame. And suspicion of this young man's ambition, so different from the genuine republicanism of his late chiefs, Jourdan and Kléber.
On the other hand, Bonaparte saw in this strange, eloquent, impetuous Gascon a stronger personality than that of any of his other comrades-in-arms.
Such a man was not to be led, driven, or managed like Masséna, Murat, or Augereau, and might turn out to be an obstacle rather than an aid to Bonaparte's already fixed resolve to pluck the fruit of absolute power as soon as it was ripe.
Whether Napoleon at this stage was eyeing absolute power is up for debate, but what is clear is that both men clearly had political aspirations in one form or another, and each had varying degrees of public recognition and popularity.
Despite these differences, however, their relationship remained at the very least cordial and friendly.
In that above passage, Barton uses the phrase Gascon, which I think needs a little unpacking because it is thrown around a lot and is frequently used to describe Bernadotte. Napoleon later referred to him as un vrai Gascon, which perhaps in English would translate as a typical Gascon. But what does that actually mean? Because other marshals, for example, Murat, Lannes, and Ney, are also often referred to as Gascons, both by their contemporaries as well as by historians, and yet all seem to have very different personalities and attributes.
The typical dictionary definition gives us the following.
Gascon: a native or inhabitant of Gascony.
This cannot apply here because Murat and Ney are not natives of Gascony, and neither technically is Bernadotte, though his hometown is very close to the region. So what else do we get?
A person who boasts about their achievements or possessions.
Again, this is difficult to agree with completely because whilst Murat and Bernadotte could be vain and boastful in certain ways, neither Ney nor Lannes seem to fit this description. So, what then does it mean to be a Gascon?
I unfortunately couldn't find a satisfactory definition as it seems as though one is just meant to understand what it means, but that doesn't quite cut it for me. So, I will attempt to offer my definition of what at least I understand a Gascon personality to entail. I could be wrong and perhaps a clear definition does exist and here I'm referring to the personality type rather than to the natives of Gascony itself.
I would therefore describe a Gascon in the following way.
At the heart of their entire character stems an extremely proud but stubborn nature and this tends to exhibit itself in both a marked degree of self-confidence yet with a tendency for emotional outbursts. Often, and particularly in our four marshals here, a Gascon is brave and bold in action, regularly leading from the front and able to make decisions under immense pressure. Yet, they can become fiery and impulsive should something happen to affect them in a certain way.
Meanwhile, their stubborn nature often makes them obstinate, unwilling to change their position on something once they've settled it in their own minds.
Clausewitz actually has a good line on how this can take place.
Strength of character can degenerate into obstinacy, which is not an intellectual defect. It comes from a reluctance to admit that one is wrong.
To impute this to the mind would be illogical for the mind is the seat of judgment. Obstinacy is a fault of temperament. We would therefore argue that strength of character turns to obstinacy as soon as a man resists another point of view not from superior insight or attachment to some higher principle but because he objects instinctively.
This overall definition may still seem vague and I do understand why there are so few direct definitions because a Gascon is difficult to totally categorize as they can often appear as contradictory characters. But, I don't actually think that they are as it all depends upon their ideals. They are stubborn to these ideals and will defend them often to the death for good or ill.
Therefore, the different personalities appear because each will have their own independent ideals. Yet, the pride in holding and defending them is universal amongst the Gascon.
For example, Bernadotte and Ney may hold different ideals and therefore something that offends Ney might not necessarily offend Bernadotte. However, once their ideals are in question or offended, then that is when the proud and stubborn nature of the Gascon kicks in and exhibits itself in emotional outbursts, be them fiery rages or sulking moods.
It is also why, for example, Bernadotte could loathe the idea of leading foreign troops and yet not only could he get them to love and respect but he would likewise defend their honor even to his own detriment. This is not a contradiction for Bernadotte's ideal was not to the foreign troops for he was a proud French officer, but he also believed strongly in supporting his subordinates, whatever their background.
Perhaps a great line from Bernadotte that gives an outlook of his character as well as to the nature of a Gascon is taken from after the events discussed in this video when he was ordered by Napoleon to leave Paris and go and live in his province of Pontecorvo.
Bernadotte refused to leave and offered to give up all of his ranks and titles and live instead as a private citizen of Paris.
When the Minister of War, Clarke, asked him if he was readily putting himself against the law with such a response, Bernadotte coolly replied, "God forbid, but I know how to distinguish between my military duties and my civil rights. The former making my duty to attack without hesitation 100,000 men with 3,000 if I am ordered to do so. But, as a citizen, I have the right to fix my own domicile, no matter who chooses to assign me one.
Marshal Ney would perhaps not have cared over such a thing as he held different ideals to Bernadotte, but we see the similarity in his Gascon nature when, after Waterloo, instead of fleeing the country like other generals did, as a proud soldier, he believed wholeheartedly that he had only ever served France and he therefore stubbornly faced his trial, adamantly he had done no wrong. He did this knowing full well that his own execution was likely, but he refused to back down on his ideals and firmly stood his ground to the cost of his life.
I know that this is not the clearest of definitions, but hopefully it gives at least a partial understanding of Bernadotte's nature, which is definitely in keeping with that of a Gascon. It is important to remember because it, in my opinion, helps to explain many of his actions and decisions over the course of his career.
Returning to the narrative, Bernadotte arrived in Italy just in time to become the right wing of General Bonaparte's advance across the Tagliamento River on the 16th of March, 1797, and 2 days later he entered Palma before pushing towards Gradisca the following day, a position held strongly by the enemy.
Anxious to show what his men could do, Bernadotte ordered the assault, Murat being sent with an infantry regiment and some cavalry to cross the Isonzo and to cut the retreat of the enemy.
But, the fire of the place was too heavy and the division was beaten off until in the evening, Serrurier, sent round to the south or right by Bonaparte, appeared on the heights on the east and north of the town when the garrison surrendered to Bernadotte, who took four battalions, eight colors, and seven guns.
Not exactly the cleanest of victories given the initial repulse of his assault, but for Bernadotte, it was his first taste of victory under Napoleon's leadership. Though this engagement would be his only serious one of this Italian campaign, as his division would merely play minor roles for the remainder of their time in the region.
In August, Bernadotte was selected by Napoleon to return to Paris with trophies and to also keep tabs on events there. And writing ahead, his commander sent a complimentary note to the Directory.
"This excellent general, who made his reputation on the banks of the Rhine, is now one of the officers most essential to the glory of the army of Italy. In General Bernadotte, you see one of the firmest friends of the Republic, whose principles and character make him incapable of capitulating to the enemies of liberty and honor."
Bernadotte initially wrote back from Paris favorably to Napoleon, keeping him informed of events in the capital, and always ending his letters with signs of affection, referencing their friendship and the esteem that he held him in.
However, upon hearing rumors that his division back in Italy was being split up, he angrily remonstrated to his commander-in-chief, deeming such an action as a personal insult, for his men meant a lot to him and had been together for several years at this point.
From Napoleon's perspective, however, the proposed move was purely for military reasoning. Besides, the move never went through, for Bernadotte announced his plans to return to Italy.
It seems that the incident was soon forgotten about, because it was during this return journey that he met Napoleon at Passariano in October, 1797.
And after questioning Bernadotte on events in Paris, Napoleon asked him to dine with him later on.
During a pre-dinner walk, Bonaparte further questioned Bernadotte, but this time on a wide range of subjects, initially seeking his opinion on other French generals, as well as their understanding of the science of war, before the conversation turned to military history, a particular delight of Napoleon's, but a subject on which Bernadotte had very little to contribute.
It is always difficult to establish the true motivations of Napoleon, and in this instance it isn't clear if he was simply showing off and denting the ego of a potential political rival, or whether he was genuinely testing Bernadotte's knowledge and encouraging him to engage in a subject in which he himself found endless fascination.
Whatever the true purpose, Bernadotte took it seemingly with the best of intentions, for he came away from the conversation both inspired and humbled, yet not downhearted.
The humiliating stroll at Passeriano made a deep impression.
Bernadotte's personal staff noticed a change in his leisure habits that winter. He rode less, he sent for books, he even talked about them to his aides.
He continued to admire Napoleon's generalship, and he now respected his book learning, yet he was never in awe of him.
A new era in Bernadotte's life commenced from this moment. The man who the day before would have yawned with ennui if by chance he had taken up a book, now began to pass days and nights in mastering all the best works on military and political history and science.
Whilst Napoleon may, unknowingly or not, have encouraged his general to broaden his knowledge base, it didn't take long for the future emperor to once more anger the Gascon.
Upon being granted permission to begin forming an army for a proposed invasion of England, Napoleon again sought to break up Bernadotte's division, much to the ire of its commander.
There does not seem to be any grounds for inferring that, in this reshuffling of troops and commands, Bernadotte was specially aimed at. The divisions of other generals were broken up in a similar way, and no protest came from them.
Regardless, Bernadotte was deeply upset by these actions, and Barton notes that his correspondence around this time shows a restless and discontented mood.
At the end of November, he wrote to the Directory requesting a new command, preferably away from France, or else he would consider retirement. He even wrote to Napoleon attaching a copy of his request for independent command and stating that if retirement is granted to him, then would Bonaparte take care to see that his old ADCs are found a suitable command.
He ends the letter rather unfortunately with the following.
Although I have grounds for complaint against you, I shall part from you without ceasing to have for your talents my greatest esteem.
Whilst Napoleon may have appreciated the compliments to his talents, the idea that Bernadotte had grounds for complaint with him and was therefore seeking to depart from his command would not have sat too well with him. Already then, the cracks were starting to appear in their relationship. And behind the scenes, Napoleon began to make moves to restrict Bernadotte's employment opportunities.
With Napoleon having moved to a new command, initially for the Army of this proposed invasion of England, but then for the expedition to Egypt, it meant that the post of commander-in-chief in Italy was available. Bernadotte very much hoped to get it, but he was seemingly unaware that Napoleon was downplaying his ability to the Directory in order to prevent him being appointed to such a post, imploring them instead to send him to Vienna as ambassador.
The biographers of Bernadotte believe that this was a move done by Napoleon to protect his own reputation as he didn't want to see anyone else succeed in Italy. But the historian Pip offers two potential angles on Napoleon's reasoning behind this.
Barras asserts that Bonaparte, not wishing to see Bernadotte in command in Italy, at first had run down his talents saying he was only fit to lead a division. Then, finding the appointment was about to be made, he swerved round and tried another plan. And while still asserting that his command in Italy would be a real danger for Italy and for France, he lauded the general's diplomatic abilities, and thus induced the Directory to send him to Vienna.
If this be true, there is no reason to suppose that Bonaparte acted in bad faith. He was anxious for peace, and it was important to have a good man at Vienna.
This could be the case, as Napoleon had concluded a peace settlement before his reallocation, and he would have therefore wanted a passive and neutral general in command in Italy, so as to maintain it, something that Bernadotte, with his Gascon nature, was not.
He could also have genuinely believed that Bernadotte's charming nature was well suited to a diplomatic role in Vienna, something which even Barton, Bernadotte's biographer, admits to.
Bernadotte's personality was the one element which offered any hope for the success of his mission. His reputation stood high in Austria, both as a soldier and as an administrator.
Bernadotte was the only of distinction that had fought against Austria in both theaters of war, and had led his troops towards the gates of Vienna both from the north and from the south.
However, I think that the second reason given by Pipps is perhaps a more believable explanation of Napoleon's motivations.
Many of the troops and stores for Egypt were to be drawn from Italy, and Bonaparte required to have in command there a general whom he could rely on to carry out his demands. Nothing would have been easier than for the man responsible for Italy to declare the drain on her was too much, as indeed it was. Bernadotte was a great deal too independent, and besides, he had shown signs of hostility to, or at least a wish not to serve under, Bonaparte.
Bernadotte's disgruntlement, along with his resignation over the breakup of his division, had no doubt convinced Napoleon that he wasn't a loyal and willing subordinate, and as Pipps suggests, had Bernadotte therefore been given command in Italy, Napoleon may have had a difficult time in getting the supplies he required for Egypt.
With a certain reluctance then, Bernadotte accepted the post in Vienna, though he would only last in the job a total of 66 days. Yet, this still caused him to miss out on being selected to take part in Napoleon's expedition to Egypt. Fate, however, would reward him in other ways.
Désirée Clary had initially been engaged to Napoleon, but the latter left her in September 1795 for Josephine, with whom he had become infatuated during his time in Paris.
Désirée's older sister, Julie, was actually married to Napoleon's older brother, Joseph, but in 1798, she herself was still unmarried. Though by all accounts, she was attractive and very much in demand.
She had been engaged for a while to a General Duphot, though this was supposedly arranged by Napoleon behind the scenes. But during a riot in Rome, where the general was staying, he was mortally wounded. She then received an offer of marriage from General Jourdan, but she turned this down before finally, at some point in the first half of 1798, she met Bernadotte.
At this point, Bernadotte had become close friends with two of Napoleon's brothers, and it is through this connection that he seemingly met his future wife, who at 20 years old was 15 years his junior.
Bernadotte was made welcome by both Joseph and Lucien, and it is not surprising if Désirée fell in love with so striking a newcomer to her brother-in-law's circle.
What, more than anything else, excited Désirée's interest in Bernadotte and opened the way to her heart, was the reputation which he had acquired of having the courage and force of character to stand out against the great man who had been her fiancee and was now the husband of Josephine.
The pair were married on the 17th of August 1798, and despite Désirée's supposed motivations, from Napoleon's perspective, when he heard the news while in Egypt, he wrote a warm and congratulatory letter to Bernadotte. And likewise, when news reached him of Désirée's pregnancy a few months later.
I have to be honest that I'm not entirely sure of Désirée's true feelings when it comes to Napoleon. Some historians tend to play on the idea that she was a jilted lover intent on pushing her husband in ways to exact revenge upon her former fiance.
However, I don't tend to see it that way. And although I don't think there was ever any romantic interest, I genuinely think that she still viewed Napoleon with a certain warmth. For it was at her insistence that he be named one of the two godfathers to her and Bernadotte's only child, Oscar. The other being Joseph Bonaparte, supposedly at Bernadotte's request.
Désirée would also act as a useful intermediary between Napoleon and Bernadotte, both in furthering her husband's cause, but also in cooling Napoleon's temper to his frequent gasconnades. She is certainly an interesting character, and was by all accounts extremely attached to Bernadotte, particularly in the early years of their marriage.
With Napoleon in Egypt, Bernadotte was now positioned as one of the foremost generals in France, and he used his popularity to implore the Directory to send aid to the French expedition in Egypt, and his outlook generally upon Napoleon can be seen as very positive in much of his letter writing during this period. The historian Barton, in summing up of a long letter that Bernadotte had written to Joseph, in which he laid out a scheme for aiding Napoleon in Egypt, says the following.
The writer's mind is, in regard to General Bonaparte, entirely friendly and appreciative.
Bernadotte's prominence also enabled him to become Minister of War in July 1799, a lucrative position which was much coveted by many high-ranking generals, particularly those who also harbored political ambitions. However, it was very much a poisoned chalice, especially given Bernadotte's popularity, as he was approached by a variety of parties ranging from Jacobins to royalists with the hopes of having him use this position as Minister of War to help them overthrow the Republic. Bernadotte, however, refused all offers, stating himself loyal to the Republic and to France, and would not be part of any attempt to threaten either one.
Bernadotte soon resigned as the Jacobins were constantly asserting themselves more and more boldly and were counting on his aid for effecting a coup.
It therefore should come as no surprise that he would harbor similar feelings of resentment and unease come Napoleon's coup later in the year.
Bernadotte's permanent cause of quarrel with Napoleon was the latter's ambition for supreme power, and if Napoleon had been content to be the first general of the Republic, he might not have found Bernadotte an obstacle in his path.
The 24 days between Napoleon's arrival in Paris and his seizure of power via the coup d'état of 18th Brumaire are far too complex and interesting that they deserve a study of their own, and I feel I'm doing them a disservice with such a brief mention here. But, for the sake of brevity and for the context of this video, I will just mention the events that involved Bernadotte and how they impacted his relationship with Napoleon.
In fact, upon hearing news of return, Bernadotte's very first action was to write to the Directory urging them to order his arrest and to have him tried for the crime of deserting the army.
However, he was told by Barras that the government simply wasn't strong enough at this point to take such a measure against so popular a figure.
Given his close ties to the Bonaparte clan, Bernadotte was soon aware of what was being planned, especially once Napoleon arrived back in Paris, but still being disgruntled by what he saw as desertion of the forces in Egypt, he refused to meet with him for the first 10 days. At last he relented, accepting a dinner invitation where the two men clashed over their views about the state of the Republic.
I do not despair of the Republic and I'm convinced that she will resist her enemies, both domestic and foreign.
Napoleon was supposedly much displeased with this statement, particularly as Bernadotte had apparently looked directly at him when he uttered the words domestic enemies.
Still, Napoleon understood that Bernadotte could be a serious obstacle in his bid for power, for he was popular, particularly with the army, and therefore his support was important.
Consequently, several more meetings between the two men were held in the lead-up to the coup, whereby Napoleon attempted to subtly win Bernadotte over to the view that the Republic's current regime was not in the best interests of France and that therefore any attempt to enact change and overthrow this regime was in fact in the service of a French Republic which Bernadotte professed to love.
Bernadotte was not to be convinced, nor was he to be tempted by the hints and offers of a high place within any new regime. However, on the morning of the first day of the coup, in a final face-to-face meeting between the pair, Napoleon was able to get Bernadotte to promise that, unless he was ordered to do so by the Republic, he would do nothing to interfere in Napoleon's plans.
To this, Napoleon showed relief and for a final time offered Bernadotte what he termed the hand of friendship, but Bernadotte uttered perhaps a prophetical reply to the offer.
Good friendship is possible, but I believe that you will always be the most imperious of masters.
The historian Phipps, however, is not convinced by this story of Bernadotte saying that he would remain neutral unless ordered to do so by his superiors.
I put aside the story that Bernadotte told Bonaparte he would remain quiet as a citizen, but would march against all disturbers if the Directory gave him orders to act. I believe that if he had uttered such a threat, he would not have been allowed to leave the house.
Whatever happened, throughout the day Napoleon still tried to win Bernadotte over, sending both his brother Joseph and later General Sarrazin to convince him. But Bernadotte maintained his position and decried Napoleon as the Cromwell of France.
In fact, during the evening, at a meeting involving several prominent Republicans, he agreed to a proposal that come dawn, he would put himself at the head of a small force and march to Saint-Cloud, the place of the coup, in order to arrest Bonaparte on charges of both treason and desertion. However, crucially, he only agreed to do this if he received direct orders from above, otherwise he would keep to his supposed promise and remain idle.
Any opposition to the coup on this day was confined to unfruitful discussions and suggestions. Jourdan and Augereau saw Bonaparte and were advised not to go to Saint-Cloud next day.
Then these generals conferred with Bernadotte and with some members of the Sans-Souci.
If Barras is to be believed, Bernadotte and Moreau were in communication as to what action could be taken, and indeed it is certain that Moreau wavered from the first in his support of Bonaparte, but either fear of the consequences or expectation of high command in the future kept them from any definite action.
Receiving no orders, Bernadotte therefore did nothing to stop the coup, and so Napoleon overthrew the Directory and was installed as First Consul.
Fearing potential reprisals for his opposition and refusal to cooperate, Bernadotte and his wife initially fled Paris, but their relationship with the Bonapartes, particularly Joseph and Lucien, meant that they had nothing really to fear.
Soon enough, the family convinced Napoleon to allow Bernadotte back into the fold, and on the 23rd of January, just 11 weeks after the coup, he was admitted to the Council of State, assigned to the section of war.
In this position, the two men disagreed over several issues, but nothing of great importance, and nothing which jeopardized their relations. In fact, once war broke out again between France and Austria, because the Constitution prevented Napoleon, as first consul, from commanding an army within the borders of the Republic, he offered Bernadotte the position of lieutenant of the first consul, but Bernadotte disliked the idea of subordination, and instead requested an independent command in Brittany.
A second war cloud appeared on the horizon. The English Channel was reported to be alive with cruisers, and an invasion of the west coast of France was believed to be imminent.
The prospect of an independent command in a war of national defense had more attractions for Bernadotte, and seemed to offer better chances of distinction than that of serving in Italy as Bonaparte's subordinate.
The reassignment was accepted, but the supposed invasion never materialized, and so Bernadotte, as commander in the west, took up an inglorious operation of civil repression and coastal defense.
Despite the lack of glory to be found in these actions, Bernadotte was especially well suited for work that required a combination of a firm hand, yet with an effort towards reconciliation, because after all, these were French citizens.
In the memoirs of Bourrienne, it is stated that General Bernadotte's conciliatory disposition, his chivalrous manners, his inclination to mercy, and a happy mixture of prudence and firmness, made him succeed where others would have failed. He finally established good order and submission to the laws.
Serious events were taking place in northern Italy, however, and when Napoleon departed Paris and orders across the Alps and take the fight to the Austrians, he wrote Bernadotte the following message.
I am going to fling myself once more into the hazards of war. We do not know how it may turn out. If I fall, you will find yourself with 40,000 men at the gates of Paris. In your hands will be the fate of the Republic.
Napoleon would of course find glory winning the Battle of Marengo, but the war wouldn't officially end until the following year when General Moreau defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Hohenlinden.
Despite victory in Italy further increasing Napoleon's popularity and securing his political position as head of state, he was still subject to several assassination plots. The closest to success being the one of Christmas Eve 1800 when a bomb exploded moments after his carriage had passed it.
Although Bernadotte was never suspected in the plot, his name did appear on Napoleon's lips in the immediate aftermath when he was asked who would have replaced him as first consul had the bomb taken his life.
It would have been General Bernadotte.
Like Antony, he would have presented to the excited people the blood-stained robe of Caesar.
This wouldn't be the only plot against Napoleon during his time as first consul. And during the next few years, Bernadotte's name would continue to crop up in connection with several of them.
Incidentally, it was during one of these plots that the beginnings of a different rivalry was born, or at least it was from Bernadotte's perspective.
On the 7th of May, 1802, two cavalry colonels, Donnadieu and Fournier, were arrested on a charge of conspiring to assassinate the first consul. As a random side note, Fournier was supposedly the real-life Beausire cavalryman who inspired the character of Gabriel Feraud in the book and subsequent film The Duelists.
Anyway, General Davout was at this time head of the military police and therefore oversaw the arrest and questioning of these two men.
Although both seemingly had personal grievance with Napoleon, the incident never went to trial, and they were released without charge. However, both men were most likely suspected because of their friendship with General Moreau, arguably one of the biggest critics and opponents of Napoleon at this time.
By this same association, Bernadotte, also friends with Moreau, was seemingly suspected of conspiracy by Davout. For it was during these arrests that he had Bernadotte's house placed under surveillance. When Bernadotte found out, he was livid and complained bitterly to both Joseph and Napoleon.
No charges were ever brought forward, but it seems that these actions by Davout were neither forgotten nor forgiven by Bernadotte, and perhaps goes some way to explain his subsequent cold attitude towards Davout moving forward.
One of the more famous of these plots against Napoleon's consular rule, however, was perhaps the plot of the placards that took place in May 1802, where documents were discovered which called for the denunciation of Bonaparte as a usurper and a tyrant, and thereby called for the army to remove his dictatorship and restore the Republic.
After it was discovered and investigated, two officers, a General Simon and a Sub-Lieutenant Bertrand, were revealed to be the authors of these pamphlets, and were therefore placed under arrest.
Unfortunately for Bernadotte, both of these men had served under him in the Army of the West, which immediately implicated him. But both men's subsequent confessions absolved him from any involvement in the plot.
Matters might have been dropped here, but it seems that Bernadotte, no doubt from a sense of loyalty to his former comrades, attempted to solicit pardons for the men via Joseph, who had the ear of Napoleon. But the First Consul was not pleased when given the request.
"Tell General Bernadotte that it would be well for him to begin at home before asking the pardon of others. he should have obtained his own.
Given Bernadotte's lack of involvement in these plots, it is easy to see Napoleon as unfairly targeting him. But Bernadotte did not help himself much in regards to the company that he kept during this period, frequently inviting ardent Jacobins whom he considered as friends into his home.
Nor was he ever secretive about his devotion to the Republic, nor in his critique of Napoleon's increasingly dominant position as head of state.
Though nearly allied to the Bonaparte family, he had often attended the meetings in which the mode of getting rid of the First Consul had come under discussion. It is fair to acknowledge the always opposed any attempt being made upon his life, but he advised his being forcibly carried off.
When the peace between France and Austria was finally achieved through General Moreau's victory at Hohenlinden, Bernadotte, by refusing the position of Napoleon's lieutenant and instead accepting the post of commander in the west in the hopes of more independence, had missed taking part in any of the successful campaigns and by consequence missed also the chance of obtaining prestige or glory.
Unfortunately, it wouldn't be the last time this would happen.
Determined to find more active work, he appealed to Napoleon through his relationship with the family, and the First Consul did at first grant his request, assigning him to command the Army of the Reserve stationed in Italy.
But at the last minute, this was instead given to Murat, husband of Napoleon's sister, and who had complained of Bernadotte being preferred to himself.
This being overlooked for someone slightly more closely connected to Napoleon directly would become a repeating pattern.
When rumors of an invasion of England were on the rise, Bernadotte begged the First Consul for a commanding position, but before any decision could be made, an unlikely peace was signed between these two ever bickering powers, and therefore any hope of glory would have to be found outside of Europe.
Bernadotte's thoughts now turn to the West Indies, where an opportunity presented itself, which he grasped at ineffectively. This was the French expedition to Saint Domingo.
The idea was for the French to reestablish authority upon the island after recent uprisings, but once again, Bernadotte was to be beaten to the position by someone closer to the first consul directly.
General Leclerc was nowhere near as experienced as Bernadotte, but he was the husband of Napoleon's favorite sister, Pauline, and he was therefore given the chance to prove himself.
The general and his wife, prior to their departure from Brest, passed through Rouen and were guests of Bernadotte, who still had his headquarters in the city.
Unfortunately, Bernadotte was to let his Gascon nature get the better of him, and in a rant to Leclerc, he vented his frustrations of being denied active commands by this regime. A rant which was duly reported back to Napoleon, and which resulted in Bernadotte being recalled to Paris.
Before he left, however, he couldn't help but make things even worse for himself with an address he made to the troops in an order of the day, which was to announce the new peace which had been established across Europe.
"Let every soldier who returns to the bosom of his family carry back with him the example of those civil virtues which have been the source of so many military prodigies.
Peace restores you to a life of greater ease. Preserve in your homes the memories of your victories, and never forget that it was the inspiration of liberty that has illuminated your past.
You can preserve your glory, but you will find it difficult to increase it."
Although Bernadotte was most likely trying to improve the morale of his troops, he also understood that they had done little more than conduct duties of civil oppression, and not the high acts of valor and battlefield victories that he was suggesting here.
Therefore, when Napoleon got wind of this proclamation, he rightly or wrongly saw it as further proof of Bernadotte sarcastically venting his personal frustrations at being denied a more active command.
With a job in the Indies denied to him, Bernadotte's thoughts next strayed to the Americas.
The governorship of Louisiana appears to have had great attractions for Bernadotte. He saw it as a career of independence and of glory, far away from Bonaparte.
The idea of Bernadotte being far away seemed to also appeal to Napoleon at this stage, for he initially agreed to install Bernadotte in this role. But when the latter demanded 3,000 additional troops, along with an equal number of civilian workmen and cultivators, he changed his mind. He still wanted rid of him, however, and he instead offered him the role of ambassador to the United States, which Bernadotte, seeing no other alternative, reluctantly accepted.
This reluctance meant that he dragged his heels on making his departure, so much so that by the time he was ready to leave, a preliminary agreement for the sale of Louisiana to the United States had been signed, effectively making Bernadotte's role now pointless. He therefore canceled his own mission, and with rumors of war once again starting up with Britain, his hopes of an active European command were rekindled, and he once more sought to use his relationship with his brother-in-law to procure a satisfactory role.
When Joseph was pressing Bernadotte's claims for an active command, the First Consul retorted, "Be well assured that if that wrong-headed Southerner continues to rail at the acts of my government, instead of giving him the command he seeks, I shall have him shot in the square of the Carrousel."
"Is that a message which you ask me to convey to him?" said Joseph. "No," said the First Consul. "It is a hint which I offer to you as his friend and brother-in-law, so that you may advise him to be more prudent.
Despite the growing frustrations from both sides, Bernadotte still had supporters both within the close circles of the First Consul, as well as at home, for it seems that his wife Désirée did her part to smooth things over between the pair, often acting as a double agent for both sides.
When she reported the true thoughts and feelings of her husband to Napoleon, he was moved to attempt to mend the bridge between the pair.
The result was that in early 1804, Napoleon asked Bernadotte to come visit him for a private audience with the aim of finally putting to bed any disagreements and starting fresh with their relationship.
It was, he told Juliette Récamier soon afterwards, "Not quite what I expected.
Bonaparte wished to propose to me a treaty of alliance. The First Consul insisted that the nation had shown it accepted his rule. He argued that France needed the support of all her children, and he therefore urged Bernadotte not to hold apart, but march forward with me and with France." To an appeal of this nature, there could only be one answer.
"I did not promise him affection," Bernadotte told Madame Récamier, "but I promised him loyal support, and I shall keep my word."
Napoleon was, of course, at this point turning his regime into an empire, firmly putting the Republic behind France, which makes Bernadotte's acceptance of Napoleon's offer perhaps strange given his previous ardent dedication to the Republic.
However, Barton believes that Bernadotte at this point simply saw the situation for how it was, and instead of hopelessly resisting, he was simply determined to make the best of it both for himself and for France.
As soon as this issue became crystallized, he had no hesitation in making his choice. Having made his choice, he resolved to serve the new regime with loyalty and good faith, but he did not conceal from his intimate friend Lucien Bonaparte how bitter were his disappointments and his regrets.
These bitter disappointments to which Bonaparte is referring came in a letter written to Lucien after the latter had chosen to exile himself from France after falling out with Napoleon.
The letter is far too long to quote in full, but in it Bernadotte sympathizes with Lucien, criticizes the formation of an empire, and even admits to his own regret in not doing more to stop Napoleon's original coup when he had the chance. However, he also showed a certain wisdom in understanding the new situation.
As a result, there will be no more glory except near him, with him, by him, and unfortunately for him. It will be a case of forward soldiers, long live the emperor instead of long live the Republic.
But unlike Lucien, with the prospect of more wars within Europe, he was unwilling to flee.
I am holding my ground. I wish to obtain a certain command through Joseph, who retains some influence over Caesar.
Understanding all of this, it may be tempting to view Bernadotte as a hypocrite, rejecting the Republic and some of his supposed morals in the selfish hope of attaining an advancement in his career.
Perhaps he was in this instance, but one of his biographers sees things a little differently.
Bernadotte gradually realized that the Republic had ceased to exist and that the choice lay between a monarchical restoration and a Napoleonic empire.
In this light, Bernadotte's choice looks more to be an acceptance of the lesser of two evils, for he would never welcome a return to the monarchy, and as much as he owed his prosperity to the Republic, he also acknowledged at this point that it was no more, and therefore, given the situation, he chose, I would say wisely, to place his future with Napoleon.
From Napoleon's perspective, had he seen this letter to Lucien, which incidentally had been sent secretly to avoid such interception, then in all likelihood he wouldn't have either been surprised or alarmed at Bernadotte's hesitancy to his new rule.
He understood that not all were ecstatic supporters of his creation of an empire, but he also knew that reconciliation was necessary for France to move forward under his rule.
It speaks for the absence of smallness of soul in Napoleon that he conferred batons on Augereau, Masséna, Jourdan, and Bernadotte, his political opposition in the Republican core of the old soldiery.
Whilst it may have been gracious of Napoleon, it was also sensible politically to tie these Republicans to both himself and his new regime through the creation of the marshalate, a new top-tier military rank. However, of these listed names, Bernadotte was the only one who, besides being a soldier, possessed political influence both inside and outside the army. That is why he was the only one with whom Napoleon found it worth his while to strike a bargain.
The fruits of this bargain saw Bernadotte placed seventh in terms of seniority out of the 18 marshals created at the birth of the empire, and at the subsequent ceremony he offered Napoleon kind words of loyalty.
"Sire, I long believed France could flourish only under a Republican government. That conviction guided me until experience showed me the error of my ways. I beg your majesty to rest assured of my eagerness to implement any measures you may desire me to carry out."
This was an important short speech, for Bernadotte was very much seen as one of Napoleon's more ardent opponents, and by offering such words in front of the other marshals, it sent a strong message of support for the new emperor.
It was for this reason that Napoleon finally rewarded him with a satisfactory position on the 14th of May, 1804, by making him governor and commander in chief of Hanover.
Given how well he did as commander in the west, Hanover was a position for which he was seemingly well suited, given both its required independence as well as the fact that his charming and fair nature allowed him to win over the populace.
During his government of Hanover, which lasted 16 months, Bernadotte's relations with the emperor continued to be entirely smooth and satisfactory, as was nearly always the case when he was far away from his imperious master and was left in a position of comparative independence.
There is little reason to doubt the sincerity at this point between the pair, whose correspondence returned to the friendly and warm nature that they exhibited when they first met.
Napoleon also missed no chance to show his appreciation for Bernadotte's new found obedience and loyalty.
For example, during a friendly exchange of military honors between Prussia and France, six people, along with the two sovereigns, were rewarded the highest award from each nation, so the Legion of Honor from France and the Black Eagle from Russia.
Napoleon naturally selected the Frenchmen destined to receive the Prussian honor and selected three marshals. Two of them, Berthier and Murat, were obvious choices, but the third being given to Bernadotte was perhaps less obvious, and it wouldn't be the last time that he would receive such distinction.
A more extreme example of Napoleon's support came during the early months of 1805, when Bernadotte wrote to the emperor complaining that Hanover was struggling financially, and he therefore requested that troops be moved away to ease the burden upon the population.
Napoleon, usually one to insist that the army came first and that therefore his troops were to be supported by the foreign states in which they occupied, unusually agreed to aid Bernadotte.
Napoleon's desire to conciliate Bernadotte in 1804 and 1805 was exhibited less in the gift of the house in the Rue d'Anjou or in the bestowal of cordons than in the departure which he made from his usual system by cooperating with him in relieving the finances of the governor's province.
Ever since the renewal of hostilities with Britain, Napoleon had been amassing a large army along the channel coast with the purpose of invading the perfidious Albion.
This army was set up in a number of camps across the coast, each commanded by a senior marshal or general.
Britain, however, by late 1805 convinced other nations to join with them against France, and events on the mainland therefore forced Napoleon to turn this army, newly renamed as La Grande Armée, towards the growing threat from Austria, and so they marched towards the Danube.
Bernadotte's army of Hanover was rebranded as the first core of this army, in theory the most senior of the commands, though in reality the cores were simply named from east to west across the coast.
He was at first acting independently in his march towards the Danube, but when he met and linked up with General Marmont's second core of Würzburg, Napoleon ordered that Bernadotte, as the senior commander, was to be in charge of both.
Along with these two French cores, Bernadotte's command was further increased by the addition of the Bavarian army, who had been forced to flee their homeland with the Austrian invasion. This brought the strength of this left wing of La Grande Armée to 60,000 men, a considerable command all entrusted to Bernadotte.
The next stage of his march to the Danube was marked with a certain controversy as he was instructed, for want of time, to pass through the Prussian territory of Ansbach, a violation of neutrality.
Bernadotte, however, assured his commander-in-chief that he did all that he could to minimize any discomfort by maintaining a strict discipline of the men, whilst also paying for everything at full price and with ready cash, rather than the usual promissory notes.
Despite his caution, these events would come back to bite Napoleon, and it wouldn't be the last that Bernadotte would see of Ansbach.
Being on the left wing of the army, Bernadotte's troops were destined to play little role in the initial stages of the campaign, especially in the surrounding and subsequent capture of Ulm. But vitally, they did act as the anchor on which the rest of the army pivoted in order to conduct this famous maneuver.
They also still liberated much of Bavaria, including the city of Munich, with the native troops acting as the vanguard. It was here that Bernadotte halted and awaited further instruction.
"My cousin, the garrison of Ulm will lay down their arms tomorrow at 3:00. The Austrian army is entirely destroyed. The turn of your army and of the Bavarians will come next."
In the ensuing pursuit of the newly arrived Russian army, Bernadotte would remain a supporting element, but he would be required to take part in the climactic ending at Austerlitz.
Prior to the battle, Bernadotte was ordered to leave both the Bavarians and his cavalry behind in order to cover Bohemia, while he marched with the rest of his corps, just over 10,000 men, towards the main army.
He arrived the day prior to the battle, just in time to be at the side of Napoleon during an inspection of the Imperial Guard.
Bernadotte's conduct during the Battle of Austerlitz is criticized in some quarters, but generally, he and his corps did their duty in supporting the left center, and it was a lack of cavalry that prevented him from carrying out a more active pursuit.
For his part, Napoleon seemingly found little wrong with the marshal's performance.
With Austerlitz securing peace with Austria and a break in hostilities, Bernadotte was destined to once again be made a military governor, but this time of the land he had violated only a few months earlier.
Having crushed the coalition, Napoleon was able to redraw part of the map of Germany, and with Hanover offered to Prussia, they in return gave up Ansbach, where Bernadotte was duly made military governor.
He again excelled in this role, being liked by the general populace and running a well-oiled machine, which much pleased the emperor.
This sort of behavior was to often yield rewards, and it was during 1806 that Bernadotte acquired several titles and principalities, in part due to his connection to Joseph Bonaparte, who was made king of Naples by Napoleon.
As Bernadotte's son was Joseph's nephew, Napoleon recommended to the new king that he should make Bernadotte firstly a duke, and then later on in the year he was created prince of Pontecorvo.
Napoleon, in a letter to his brother, made it clear his reasonings for this.
"You understand that when I bestow the title of duke and prince upon Bernadotte, it is out of consideration for your wife, because I have in my army generals who have served me better, and on whose attachment I can count more safely. But I have felt that it would be suitable for the brother-in-law of the queen of Naples to have a distinguished rank at your court."
Despite these motivations, which may or may not be entirely true, given that Bernadotte had been rewarded previously, it was still quite the honor. For besides Berthier and Murat, none of the other marshals were to receive titles until 1808, and only six of their number would ever become princes.
This apparent favoritism, however, sparked jealousy and ill feeling towards Bernadotte from the other marshals, particularly Davout, who was as connected to the Bonaparte clan as Bernadotte was.
This jealousy potentially colored their opinions of the events which took place during the campaign of 1806 in Saxony.
Prior to its commencement, Bernadotte did make the request that he not be given command of any foreign troops, for he had disliked the experience with the Bavarians the previous year, believing them to have misunderstood his intentions and therefore hampered his movements.
Napoleon was happy to acquiesce to this request, and once more gave him command of first core, consisting of only French troops. Bernadotte's performance and actions during this campaign have been examined and discussed in much more detail in another video, but essentially, despite performing well during the initial stages, the marshal and his core managed to miss partaking in either of the two major battles at Jena and Auerstadt, which took place on the 14th of October. An action for which history has not been kind in condemning him. However, as I showed in that previous video, much of this criticism is unfair, for the blame for how events panned out can only be placed at the door of Napoleon, who it seems was happy enough to shift it onto the unfortunate Bernadotte in order to preserve his own military reputation.
The entire situation was a little more nuanced than that, but despite being accused of failing to help Davout at Auerstadt, Bernadotte remained in command of first core, and in the pursuit of the Prussians following these battles, he earned plaudits for his conduct which helped lead to their destruction. In fact, after the capture of Lübeck, where Bernadotte's core played a prominent part, he earned favor once more from Napoleon, who wrote to him, "My cousin, I have received the standards which you sent me. I have observed with pleasure the activity and the talents which you have displayed in the course of recent events, and the distinguished valor of your troops.
I testify to you my satisfaction, and you can count upon my gratitude."
Bernadotte, however, was not too happy with the fact that the army bulletin celebrating the capture of the city gave equal praise to Soult and Murat, when it was Bernadotte's men that were pivotal to the success.
An interesting note is that during the taking of Lübeck, the French captured around 1,600 Swedish soldiers, to whom Bernadotte was his usual courteous self, ensuring their safety and comfort. This positive impression, reported back to the Swedish government by the senior officers, was to have major implications a few years later.
Although the Prussian army had effectively been destroyed, there was no surrender and the war continued as Russia once more entered the fray, forcing Napoleon to shift his troops east towards Poland in order to combat the new threat.
Bernadotte would remain in command of his first core, but after a friendly meeting with Napoleon at Posen in early December, he was again given command of the entire left wing of the Grand Army.
This time having Marshals Ney and Bessières under his semi-independent command.
The initial part of this campaign ended with no result as winter began to set in and the already difficult Polish roads grew steadily worse. The only positive for the French was what they had managed to establish themselves on the Vistula River, a position which offered either a solid defensive line or an easy jumping-off point come the renewal of hostilities in the spring.
The Russians were not, however, content to sit and wait for warmer weather and began a daring offensive which aimed to push Bernadotte's command back and thus establish for themselves a bridgehead over the Vistula where they could then potentially threaten to cut off the French supplies and relieve the siege of Danzig in the process.
Unfortunately for them, they were facing Napoleon, who upon hearing of the Russian advance ordered Bernadotte to steadily give ground, drawing the Russians in while he took the main army to swing and trap the Russians against the Baltic coast.
Napoleon perhaps would have pulled this move off and thus ended the war there and then had it not been for his instructions to Bernadotte being intercepted en route. Not only did this give the Russians a chance to retreat, but it also robbed Bernadotte of the knowledge of Napoleon's plans. The emperor, in his usual fashion, still pursued the Russians who finally gave battle near a small town called Eylau.
This bloodbath in the snow was once more inconclusive and although some sources attempt to blame Bernadotte's absence as the reason for this, Napoleon never blamed him, understanding that the intercepted orders had put the marshal several days behind his intended strategy and timeline, a fault for which neither man could be blamed for.
Although both sides finally settled into winter quarters after Eylau, late spring saw formalities resumed, and Bernadotte was once more in action. Again, the Russians had attempted to seize the initiative and attack Bernadotte's position. Holding the bridgehead Spandau, the marshal led his men with his usual vigor and bravery, though this time it would cost him.
At Spandau, Bernadotte received a wound in the head from a musket ball while riding into the middle of the fire to quicken the movement which was being executed too slowly.
Although he initially remained in command, the wound was causing him considerable pain, and he was forced to hand first call to General Victor while he recovered with the help of his wife, Désirée, who had recently arrived from Paris.
Although the wound was not going to be fatal, it showed the marshal's usual willingness to be in the thick of the action, and apparently Napoleon was rather touched, with Marshal Berthier writing to Bernadotte the following when news arrived of his wound.
It is difficult to express, Prince, the pain which the emperor feels at hearing of your wound, especially at a time when His Majesty has so much need of your talents.
First Corps would perform admirably in their marshal's absence, and at the pivotal Battle of Friedland, 9 days after Spandau, they played a prominent part, even doing enough to earn General Victor his marshal's baton for leading them.
For the third time in a row, however, Bernadotte had missed taking part in the key battle of the campaign, with at least two of these occasions being through no fault of his own.
It certainly also must have stung a little that the apogee for First Corps during this period of French triumphs came less than 10 days after he had ceded command of it for the first time in nearly 2 years.
However, victory at Friedland led to the Treaty of Tilsit, which sparked a friendship between Napoleon and Tsar Alexander, and thus allowed peace to reign across Europe.
Bernadotte, though still recovering from his wound, was able to attend some of the celebrations around Tilsit.
He was, so he wrote to Désirée, warmly received. He could even report a long, cordial conversation with Berthier.
The reason for this particular comment by Bernadotte was because his relationship with Marshal Berthier, Napoleon's chief of staff and head of Imperial headquarters, had, up until this point, never truly recovered from its initial clash of egos upon their first meeting in 1797.
At that point, the Army of Italy was enjoying an enhanced reputation under the command of General Bonaparte, and the troops themselves, from top to bottom, wore this reputation with pride and seemed to view themselves as an army of their own, and therefore beholden to no one else.
Thus, upon General Bernadotte's transfer from the Army of the Rhine and arrival in Italy, he and his division were treated with little respect by a General Dupuy, his junior in rank, and who, in Berthier and Bonaparte's absence, was temporarily in charge of general headquarters.
Bernadotte, not one to take offense, nor one to let military protocol be so casually cast aside, had General Dupuy arrested. Although the incident was immediately brushed over and eased by Napoleon when he finally arrived to greet Bernadotte, Berthier was not keen to let it slide, and he chose to take offense to Bernadotte's arrest of a particularly good friend. However, when Bernadotte offered to settle such matters of honor with a duel, Berthier quickly backed down, for their relationship from that point onward was never more than polite indifference.
But, with the treaty at Tilsit bringing peace and the promise of prosperity to France, it seems that even minor feuds were put to one side. But, of course, things were not to last.
The following year, 1808, saw the French become involved in the Spanish Peninsula. And although initially Napoleon had hoped for affairs to be sorted by conscripts and his subordinates, multiple disasters and poor decisions forced him to transfer veterans from La Grande Armée, still in Germany, along with several of the marshals to form an army which he himself would then lead into Spain.
Bernadotte was not selected for this reallocation, for he had been given yet another governorship, this time of the Hanseatic towns in northern Germany. A role which he initially gladly accepted, again for its independence, but also because he required time for his wounds to heal.
It was also another role for which his charming and compassionate nature once again appeared to be a perfect fit, for he was again received well by the citizens under his rule.
However, when much of La Grande Armée was moved to Spain, overall command of the troops remaining in Germany, 90,000 of which were newly renamed as the Army of the Rhine, was entrusted to Marshal Davout, located in central Germany, much to the chagrin of Bernadotte, who was left to command just 12,000 troops in his own sector, of whom only a handful were French.
This, of course, did little to improve the already fractious relationship between the two marshals.
The running feud between the two marshals was soon renewed, with Bernadotte complaining that Davout was opening letters addressed to him from Paris.
The main issue was that the two men were just too radically different in almost all aspects of their personality.
Davout, who was always a reliable servant of the powers that be, looked upon Bernadotte as a dangerous frondeur, while Bernadotte regarded Davout as a military policeman and never forgave him for setting spies upon him in 1802.
Bernadotte, while maintaining an attitude of independence towards Napoleon, had become the intimate friend of all the other Bonapartes, while Davout, who was a commonplace personality, was a reliable henchman of the emperor's, but remained outside the charmed circle of the imperial family.
No two men of that day were more opposite in point of character and outlook.
Their rivalry would continue to simmer throughout Bernadotte's tenure in northern Germany, but by the beginnings of 1809, it would have to be put on hold, for war with Austria was once again brewing.
This campaign, which for Bernadotte would culminate at the massive two-day battle of Wagram, would prove to become a serious low point in his relationship with Napoleon, and as the year 1809 would certainly become a turning point for the two men.
Those tales, however, are stories for another time.
Hopefully, this video has shown that, despite how it is commonly portrayed, the relationship between Bernadotte and Napoleon, particularly during the early years, was not always as cold and negative as it was to later become.
They were certainly never the best of friends, but there was always a mutual respect between the pair, and at times a genuine warmth developed for periods.
The problem is that each were independent in their nature, especially as commanders, and neither were ever going to make good subordinates. The situation is perhaps best summed up by the following quote: "Napoleon extracted from all his subordinates a passive obedience, while Bernadotte found it difficult to accommodate himself even to an attitude of independent submission.
Napoleon was born to command, Bernadotte born to not obey."
Regardless, I think it is fair to say that, despite falling out with and opposing Napoleon's rise to power, once Bernadotte accepted the inevitable and gave his word, he remained loyal to the emperor and often served him well.
For his part, also, Napoleon, once he welcomed Bernadotte back into the fold, was happy to work with him and was even generous with gifts and titles as a reward for the marshal's maintenance of his promise of loyalty.
He also showed a confidence in Bernadotte's ability as a commander, twice giving him a semi-independent command of the left wing of his army, as well as placing him in the vanguard for the 1806 campaign.
Despite many criticisms, many of which I believe are retrospective given what happened later, I also think it is fair to say that Bernadotte performed his duty well in these roles, and his absence at three out of the four major battles of the period was more down to ill fortune than mistakes on Bernadotte's part, nor ever deliberate undermining of Napoleon's plans as some have claimed. If anything, his absence at these major battles perhaps robbed him of the chance for further glory and prestige in the eyes of the emperor.
He would get a fresh chance to shine during the 1809 campaign, and particularly at the Battle of Wagram, but unfortunately things would end with Bernadotte's dismissal, and would perhaps mark the lowest point of their relationship. That, however, is a story for next time.
So, until then, thanks for watching.
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