Fascist Women | Suffragettes, Feminists, & Supporters

追加: 2026-05-27

[00:00:02]I'm fascist.

[00:00:22]A huge thanks to all of my supporters.

[00:00:25]We've seen some incredible growth. Thank you so much. And to Zultanis, many thanks. He is the original author of this article. I have made some edits to it and added some information, but not much. The original article will be linked below.

[00:00:44]The intricate relationship between feminism and fascism demands meticulous scrutiny, challenging entrenched beliefs and revealing a historical convergence often obscured from contemporary discourse.

[00:00:59]Early suffragettes engagement with fascist movements in Italy, Germany, and Britain unveils a lesserk known facet of history, underscoring feminist endeavors within these spaces that defy simplistic categorization.

[00:01:15]Dispelling misconceptions surrounding fascism stance on women's rights becomes imperative in light of pervasive misinterpretations fueled by ignorance or animosity especially among modern adherence of fascist ideology and those opposed to it.

[00:01:35]Fascism, despite its quasi conservative or even traditionalist tendencies, did not universally oppose feminist ideals or rigidly enforced traditional gender roles.

[00:01:48]instead harboring progressive elements that advocated for female workforce participation, maternal support systems, and women's inclusion in governance structures, even giving special representation to women in matters of things such as labor within a corporist structure.

[00:02:06]Many people forget the futurist influences of early fascism and the stressing of the importance of youth and verility.

[00:02:16]This nuanced understanding reshapes our perception of the interplay between feminism and fascism, illuminating a diverse spectrum of engagements that challenge simplistic narratives. By scrutinizing the progressive reforms championed by select factions within fascist movements, particularly in relation to gender issues, a deeper understanding of the era's sociopolitical complexities emerges, urging a re-evaluation of historical intersections that shape contemporary perceptions of gender, politics, and societal transformation.

[00:02:57]Historical records reveal that numerous early feminists in Italy were integral to the rise of fascism. These women were deeply engaged with groups such as the Squadrici, militant groups known for their revolutionary zeal.

[00:03:20]A distinguished figure among them was Ines Denati, a young and active member of the Italian fascis combat, a group notorious for their aggressive confrontations with communist groups.

[00:03:34]In 1921, Donati dedicated herself to volunteer service for the fascist cause and played a key role in the promotional campaigns for fascist politicians.

[00:03:45]She often encountered hostility from those opposing fascism. Yet she remained undeterred, showcasing a commendable level of bravery and steadfastness amidst threats.

[00:03:57]Dati was part of a paramilitary contingent largely comprising Squadrismo affiliates from central Italy which effectively took control of Rome during a significant general strike orchestrated by anti-fascist elements.

[00:04:12]Her involvement extended to participating in emergency aid efforts and she was one of the exceptional women to join the pivotal March on Rome orchestrated by fascists in 1923. Demonstrating her continued commitment, she sought membership in the newly established Black Shirts Voluntary Militia for National Security, a paramilitary organization.

[00:04:39]Mussolini said this about her. I have known of her fame for a long time and know that she is a fierce Italian and indomitable fascist.

[00:04:50]In 1924, Enz Denazi's health deteriorated leading to her tragic death at the young age of 24 from tuberculosis on November 3rd in Metelica. Following her death, she was hailed as a martyr by the fascist party. In a gesture of commemoration, Donazi's remains are exumed on March 23rd, 1933 and reinterred at the Chapel of Heroes in the Verono Cemetery in Rome, signifying her as a symbol of youthful commitment.

[00:05:22]Additionally, in 1926, a health clinic in Metallica was named in her memory. A bronze statue was erected to honor her legacy on October 17th, 1937, but it was unfortunately dismantled during the partisan resistance activities in 1944.

[00:05:43]The International Feminist Congress was hosted in Rome in 1922 with the backing of the National Fascist Party. Bonito Mussolini himself made an appearance at the congress delivering an address that supported the active political engagement of women reflecting an encouraging attitude towards female political involvement.

[00:06:06]On the 2nd of June 1923, Bonita Mussolini gave an important address at the opening of the women's fascist congress in Padua.

[00:06:15]Fasisti do not belong to the multitude of flops and skeptics who mean to belittle the social and political importance of women. What does the vote matter? You will have it. But even when women did not vote and did not wish to vote in time past as in time present, women had always a preponderant influence in shaping the destinies of humanity. Thus, the women of fascism who bravely wear the glorious black shirt and gather around our standards are destined to write a splendid page of history to help with self-sacrifice and indeed Italian fascism.

[00:06:54]Fascism played a significant role in the formation of women onlyly groups known as the women's leagues. The first women's league was established in Milan in 1919 and similar groups emerged shortly thereafter.

[00:07:08]The transformation of these feminist organizations into supporters of fascism has been a topic that Italian historians have approached with caution.

[00:07:18]Prior to the rise of fascism, women's issues were not a central focus of government policies. However, as early as 1919, the first fascist manifesto of San Seapulcro published in ilapolo de Italia already pledged to grant women the right to vote. This promise attracted many feminists who subsequently aligned themselves with the fascist movement.

[00:07:46]As stated in the manifesto of the Italian fascis of combat, universal suffrage pulled on a regional basis proportional representation and voting and electoral office eligibility for women.

[00:07:59]Once in power, fascism fulfilled its promise of female emancipation by granting voting rights to women in 1925.

[00:08:09]Later that same year, the regime initiated the first reform of women's issues with the establishment of the national motherhood and childhood work.

[00:08:20]This organization aimed to provide support to mothers and children. In 1927, a campaign was launched to encourage increased birth rates.

[00:08:30]However, the comprehensive development of mass women's organizations had to be postponed until the early 1930s.

[00:08:38]Interestingly, one such organization that was promoted by the state was the Association of Jewish Women of Italy.

[00:08:49]To address women's desire for active participation and dedication to the national community, the regime embarked on a delicate balancing act between modernization and emancipation.

[00:09:02]After 1925, feminists redirected their efforts towards social volunteering and cultural activism, giving rise to a new nationwide feminine subculture.

[00:09:16]This new form of feminism came to be known as healthy feminism in contrast to what was perceived as vain feminism.

[00:09:27]As a collective, feminists were generally enthusiastic about fascism with very few opposing it, mainly among conservative groups.

[00:09:38]However, these official women's groups have been often overlooked by hisography in favor of highlighting a narrative of anti-fascism, which portrays fascism as inherently anti-woman due to its alleged adherence to traditionalism.

[00:09:58]Fascism implemented a wide range of maternalistic policies, including the criminalization of abortion, protection and support for maternity, loans for married couples and newborns, career preferences for parents of large families, and the establishment of health and social assistance institutions for families and children.

[00:10:23]This fascist feminism is best summarized by the Italian feminist Laura Casartelli.

[00:10:30]They were authentic for the love of the homeland, a long humanitarianism and a lively social sentiment to spin him to sympathize with the fascist program of valorization of victory of exaltation of the national war.

[00:10:46]Valentine de Suan, while not a direct participant in fascism, found herself intertwined with the Italian futurist movement due to her engagement in European artistic circles. In 1912, she made waves with the publication of the manifesto of futurist women, which provoked lively debates across the continent. Her manifesto advocated for the emancipation of women's sexual expression by merging traditionally masculine and feminine traits into one harmonious hole. The influence of her writing spanned wide with translation spreading her ideas and placing the role of women at the heart of futurist discourse.

[00:11:30]Over time, San Juan's thoughts contributed to the shaping of an idealized image of women within fascism, eventually leading to the notion of the Donna fascista.

[00:11:42]A closer embodiment of this futurist inflected feminism within Italy itself was Benedeta Kappa, a celebrated painter and central figure in the futurist movement. As Marinetti's partner and a significant artist in her own right, Benadeta exemplified the type of woman futurism envisioned. Dynamic, creatively autonomous, and publicly engaged. Her large-scale murals and experimental works were exhibited and critically recognized, demonstrating that the cultural world fascism cultivated, particularly in its futurist dimension, made genuine space for women as intellectual and artistic contributors, not mereily as mothers and supporters.

[00:12:29]These two women exemplify the cultural millu around Italian fascism and its early futurist influences.

[00:12:37]The Donna Fasista was a distinctive blend of traditional and modern values.

[00:12:44]She was a mother and a homemaker, yet also an active participant in societal and state affairs, encapsulating fascist ideals regarding women.

[00:12:55]This brand of feminism diverged from liberal feminism, which seeks to disassociate women from motherhood and encourage their involvement in roles traditionally occupied by men.

[00:13:07]Instead, fascist feminism celebrated motherhood, opposed abortion, and upheld the family unit.

[00:13:15]Consequently, it diverged from the concept of liberation as seen from a liberal viewpoint. Although it did not achieve the same level of influence as liberal feminism, which together with Marxist feminism shaped the post-war feminist landscape, fascist feminism was nonetheless a notable current within its historical context. It is worth noting that despite contemporary views often critiquing maternalist policies, fascism revered motherhood and maternalism as virtues.

[00:13:50]The Italian educational reforms of 1926 under fascist rule were groundbreaking, moving away from long-standing conservative traditions.

[00:14:00]Article 11 of the state regulation of that year declared that academic competitions and exams were accessible to both men and women, albeit with certain gender specific limitations.

[00:14:13]The era also saw an emphasis on women's sports and the establishment of female youth organizations mirroring those for young men.

[00:14:22]The founding of OMNI in 1925 underscored the regime's commitment to supporting mothers and children, particularly single mothers, and it remained influential until its dissolution in 1975.

[00:14:36]In the realm of athletics, Andinovala, known endearingly as Little Wave, made her mark in the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games by winning Italy's first female Olympic gold in the 800 meter hurdles, even setting a world record in her semi-final. Her extraordinary success made her a symbol of excellence for Italian youth. Moreover, the war years saw a substantial number of women enlisting in the female auxiliary service, taking on a range of crucial roles and demonstrating their active engagement during a tumultuous era.

[00:15:22]Sir Oswell Mosley, the head of the British Union of Fascists, regarded himself as a feminist, which was in line with his forward-thinking views.

[00:15:33]Echoing Mussolini's aversion to strict cultural conservatism, Mosley could be viewed as a progressive individual.

[00:15:41]Additionally, the British Union of Fascists included a significant number of feminists within its membership.

[00:15:48]In his book, Fascism 100 questions asked and answered, Oswwell Mosley says the following.

[00:15:56]Question 31. Would women be eligible as representatives on all corporations or on any corporation?

[00:16:06]They will be eligible for all corporations representing their industry or profession. In addition, the great majority of women who are wives and mothers will for the first time be giving effective representation by fascism.

[00:16:21]A special corporation will be created for them which will have special standing in the state. The corporation will deal with outstanding women's questions such as mother and child welfare.

[00:16:33]In addition, it will assist the government in such matters as food prices, housing, education, and other subjects.

[00:16:41]in which the opinion of a practical housewife is often more than that of a socialist professor or spinster politician.

[00:16:51]Question 32.

[00:16:53]Will the position of women be in any way inferior under fascism?

[00:16:59]Certainly not. Fascism in Britain will maintain the British principle of honoring and elevating the position of women. We certainly combat the decadence of the present system which treats the position of wife and mother as inferior.

[00:17:15]On the contrary, we consider this to be one of the greatest of human and racial functions to be honored and encouraged.

[00:17:23]But women will be free to pursue their own vocations.

[00:17:27]Fascism combats the false values of decadence not by force but by persuasion and example.

[00:17:36]Similar to Italian fascism, British fascism implemented various progressive reforms for women. It was not a reactionary movement seeking to subordinate women to men or revive outdated social norms. Fascism by its nature always looked towards the future.

[00:17:56]Nora Alam in her 1935 essay fascism women and democracy published in the Fascist Quarterly expressed her views on fascism and found the Mosleyite fascism to be a modern and forwardthinking movement providing a welcoming environment. Women constituted 25% of the British Union of Fascists BUFF membership, held positions of authority and leadership within the party and several including Alam were put forward as candidates for elections in 1936.

[00:18:31]The drive and dedication of these female members were appreciated and recognized within the movement. Mosley observed in 1940, "My movement has been largely built up by the fanaticism of women. They hold ideals with tremendous passion."

[00:18:50]In Nora Alam's essay published in the 1935 edition of the Fascist Quarterly, volume 1, number three. She passionately presents arguments in favor of fascism as the genuine protector of women's interests and liberty. She also intriguingly suggests that fascism is the natural progression of the original suffragette movement, drawing parallel points of interest between feminism and Mosleyite fascism.

[00:19:19]Alam's essay highlights her fervor and dedication to promoting the compatibility of feminism with the principles of fascism.

[00:19:27]>> In this conception of practical citizenship, the women's struggle resembles closely the new philosophy of fascism. Indeed, fascism is the logical, if much, grander, conception of the momentuous issues raised by the militant women of a generation ago.

[00:19:42]Nor do the points of resemblance end here. The women's movement, like the fascist movement, was conducted under strict discipline and cut across all party allegiance. Its supporters were drawn from every class and party.

[00:19:55]It appealed to women to forget self-interest, to relinquish petty personal advantages and the privilege of the sheltered few for the benefit of the many, and to stand together against the wrongs and injustices which were inherent in a system so disastrous to the well-being of the race.

[00:20:10]Like the fascist movement too, it chose its leader and once having chosen gave to that leader absolute authority to direct its policy and destiny, displaying a loyalty and a devotion never surpassed in the history of this country.

[00:20:25]Moreover, like the fascist movement again, it faced the brutality of the streets, the jeers of its opponents, the misapprehensions of the well-disposed, and the rancor of its politicians.

[00:20:38]It endured the hatred of the existing government, and finally the loneliness of the prison cell and the horror of forcible feeding. Its speakers standing in the open spaces and at the street corners were denied the right of free speech. Its champions selling their literature spat upon and reviled.

[00:20:55]Its deputations were manhandled.

[00:20:57]Suffragettes became the sport of any rowdy who cared to take the law into his own hands. To make the analogy more exact, no column was too vile and no slander too base to set about the moral character of its leaders or the aims and objects of the women who owed them allegiance.

[00:21:15]Anne Brock Griggs, an influential feminist and early member of the BUFF, joined the movement partly due to her disillusionment with establishment conservatism.

[00:21:25]She gained recognition through her powerful speeches and was appointed as the women's propaganda officer within the BUFF staff in 1935.

[00:21:35]Later, she was promoted to the position of chief women's officer, becoming the national leader of the women's division within the party. Brock Griggs represented the views of female members through the women's page of the party newspaper Action. In 1937, she ran as a BUFF candidate for Limehouse East London. Although her campaign was ultimately unsuccessful, she actively participated in the Peace Campaign opposing the entry of the United Kingdom into World War II.

[00:22:05]During her time with the BUFF, Barack Griggs published a pamphlet in 1936 titled Women and Fascism: 10 Points of Fascist Policy for Women. This pamphlet reflected the official stance of the BUFF on Women's Issues approved by Mosley himself. The writing strongly emphasized welfare and social reform with the aim of benefiting women. These benefits briefly summed up were women having representation in parliament, legalistic equality for women, equal pay for equal work, the right to work and vote, improvements of working conditions for women, removal of all sexual discrimination, support for health and maternal infant welfare, affordable housing for families, free nursery schooling and free higher education, and and an affordable food supply for families.

[00:23:02]Despite facing challenges due to ill health, Brock Griggs continued her involvement in politics, joining Mosley's post-war union movement after her release from detention under Defense Regulation 18B during the war.

[00:23:17]Unfortunately, she passed away from cancer in the 1960s.

[00:23:22]Female members of the BUFF actively participated in various roles within the organization, including security positions.

[00:23:30]They also took part in self-defense courses to enhance their skills. It is worth noting that women from different organizations affiliated with the BUFF were trained in jiu-jitsu, demonstrating their commitment to personal defense and preparedness.

[00:23:46]The Fascist Weekly reported, "No male member of the BUFF is permitted to use force upon any woman, and women reds often form a highly noisy and razor caring section at fascist meetings.

[00:23:59]Thus, we counter women with women."

[00:24:02]In her book, Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, Julie V.

[00:24:08]Gotautle delves into the fascinating lives of notable figures within the British fascist movement. Mary Riley Richardson was a prominent figure in the suffragette movement, most emphasis for her attack on the rockabe Venus painting during a 1914 votes for women demonstration.

[00:24:26]Richardson's fervor for the suffrage cause led her to engage in more radical actions such as arson, damaging the home office, and bombing a railway station.

[00:24:35]In the 1930s, Richardson along with her acquaintance Mary Sophia Allen, who was influenced by Hitler became a part of Sir Oswell Mosley's black shirts. Allen had a deep interest in the operations of fascist governments and traveled extensively through Europe to study and take insights from these political systems. Her passion mirrored that of Margaret Dmer Dawson. The two shared a complex and deep relationship, living together in London from 1914 to 1920 and maintaining both a personal and professional partnership.

[00:25:10]Before aligning with the fascist movement, both Allen and Dawson were engaged with Emiline Pankhurst's women's social and political union. Remarkably, Allen and her partner Margaret were instrumental in founding the first contingent of female police officers in Britain. Their efforts in advancing women's rights and engaging in social activism reflected their strong dedication to the cause. Allan said this about the BUFF.

[00:25:37]>> I was first attracted to the black shirts because I saw in them the courage, the action, the loyalty, the gift of service, the ability to serve which I had known in the suffragette movement.

[00:25:49]During her travels throughout Europe, Mary Sophia Allen forged relationships with key fascist figures such as Owen Odelfie in Ireland and Bonito Mussolini in Italy. Her journey in 1934 included a notable meeting with Adolf Hitler where they discussed the role of women in policing. This interaction with Hitler significantly influenced Allen, inspiring her to publicly voice her admiration for the furer. Though her association with Oswwell Mosley's BUFF didn't become official until 1939, Allan was actively engaged in the Women's Militant Operations. In 1933, she was instrumental in forming the Women's Reserve, an organization designed to support the nation against the threat of insurgent elements.

[00:26:36]Upon becoming a formal member of the BUFF, Allan turned to journalism, writing extensively for the party's publications and unreservedly embracing her identity as a committed fascist.

[00:26:49]Julie V. Gotautle has argued that >> Allan was a prominent supporter of Mostly's British Union, a movement she claimed she had joined due to her sympathy for its anti-war policy.

[00:27:02]One lesserknown female figure within the context of British fascism is Ratha Buriel Ltor Orman.

[00:27:10]Linton Orman had notable experience as a veteran of the Women's Emergency Corps and the Scottish Women's Hospitals for Foreign Services during the years 1914 to 1918.

[00:27:20]In 1918, she assumed leadership of the British Red Cross Motor School, a vital institution that trained drivers to support the battlefield efforts.

[00:27:30]Following the conclusion of World War I, Lintard Orman established the British Fasisti in 1923.

[00:27:37]This organization holds the distinction of being the first openly fascist group in Britain with a unique aspect being its female leadership. Julie V got suggested the creation of the British fasisti can be seen as a feminist response to the primrose league.

[00:27:53]Lintern Orman's political inclinations leaned more towards Tory conservatism, but her strong anti-communist sentiments and admiration for Bonito Mussolini's actionoriented style of politics propelled her towards fascism.

[00:28:07]It is important to note, however, that her alignment with fascism was not driven by a deep ideological commitment to the movement. Quoting from feminine fascism, >> not only was Linto Orman a single woman, but her preference for women in uniform and the paramilitary regimentation of the feminine provoked a projorative description of her as a manish woman.

[00:28:29]>> Linton Orman's inclination towards the presence of women in uniform can be interpreted through the lens of masculine inclinations, lesbian eroticism, and a broader enthusiasm for patriotic conformity.

[00:28:43]However, as her movement gradually disintegrated, she receded into relative obscurity, Leonard Orman's descent into addiction, particularly into drugs, lesbianism, and alcohol, compounded by her politics, contributed to her marginalization to genuine fascist organizations such as Oswald Mosley's BUFF >> within In the German context, particularly during the ascent of national socialism, there exists an often overlooked aspect of feminist movements.

[00:29:21]Contrary to the belief of some national socialists who viewed feminism as incompatible with their ideology, being Jewish or unfavorable, the national socialist movement actually attracted significant female support.

[00:29:37]In the presidential elections of March 1932, around 26.5% of German women voted for Hitler. Moreover, during the elections of September 1931, women contributed nearly half of the total 6.5 million votes received by the National Socialist Party with about 3 million votes cast by women.

[00:29:59]This often repeated misconception is directly responded to by an Zelig Tolman in Germany and her women, a short piece found within the fascist quarterly 1936 to 1940.

[00:30:13]She covers the evolving status and role of women in national socialist Germany.

[00:30:18]She states, >> "During my last visit to England, many English women have asked me about the position of women in the Third Reich.

[00:30:26]According to the tales they had heard, they seemed to think we were nothing but slaves.

[00:30:31]In fact, they said this openly and added that they pied us from the bottom of their hearts.

[00:30:37]I should like to tell you how we German women feel about the new Reich. And I will begin with the wives and mothers.

[00:30:43]We all know from history that every revolution is followed by new constitutional forms. And because of the uprising which has produced these new forms, we generally find fundamental changes in the social life of the people as well. The new system in Germany, national socialism, came as a welcome change for millions of families.

[00:31:03]Who had suffered terribly from the consequences of the war which had made life a burden for many mothers and their children. It was the task of Adolf Hitler to help them and bring to an end the disastrous idea that it is better not to have any children at all.

[00:31:19]We must not forget that selfishness was the basis of the old system before the fearer came to build the new Reich.

[00:31:26]It was he who made German women believe once more that the family is the essential unit of the state and in it the mother is the living symbol of national survival through her raising of healthy children.

[00:31:38]Motherhood and womanhood recovered their old meaning and glory.

[00:31:43]She goes on to say, >> "It is work such as this that gives every German woman an opportunity to take an active part in the life of the national socialist state. For every woman realizes that she must take her part side by side with the men with the same responsibility for the future of our nation >> and that >> millions of women are employed in general industry forming a special section as I have said of the labor front. It certainly cannot be said that German women have been thrust into the home.

[00:32:13]>> She goes on to speak of the BDM or the bond deutsche. This was the female section of the Hitler youth where young girls and women were instructed in training of all sorts and to bring them up with a healthy life philosophy or chong.

[00:32:29]>> As future mothers, doctors, economists, teachers, lawyers, etc., All German girls have an obligation to use their gifts to the best national purpose, but they must first obtain as a foundation a sure social background. Where can this better be obtained than in the comradeship of the German girls organization?

[00:32:49]>> In addition to all this, there was the frown, a state endorsed organization for women's activities, which boasted over 4 million female participants.

[00:32:59]The women's division of the German labor front also had a membership of 5 million women.

[00:33:05]The national socialist government fostered the growth of such organizations to rally women throughout the various sectors of the Reich and to encourage a rebirth of traditional femininity.

[00:33:15]Within this framework of feminism, Zofhi Roaburner, an educator and author, stood out as a key advocate.

[00:33:24]Roa Burnerner and her peers in the feminist faction of the NSDAP envisioned their feminism through the lens of a glorified semi-leendary Nordic golden age where sexual equality was the norm. They contended that genuine national unity predicated on social harmony and class solidarity would remain elusive as long as the state persisted in gender-based discrimination.

[00:33:49]Roger Burnerner, though never an official member of the NSDAP, was actively involved with various German vulkish or nationalistic groups, such as the National Socialist Freedom Movement, which was the continuation of the NSDAP after the beerhal push in which Adolf Hitler was imprisoned.

[00:34:09]Her commitment to national socialism was evident as she participated in the vulkish literary movement.

[00:34:15]Like many German nationalists at the time, she welcomed Hitler's 1933 government with great optimism.

[00:34:22]After Hitler's ascension to power, she compiled a memorandum that was later featured as the leading article in the inaugural issue of the National Socialist Publication, The German Female Fighter.

[00:34:33]Later, her work along with multiple similar articles on Nazi Feminism was compiled into the 1933 book titled German Women's Address to Adolf Hitler.

[00:34:43]The Prussian Reich Commissioner Goring offered a shortwritten recognition for this publication.

[00:34:48]Although the government ultimately prohibited the book in 1937, it did instigate some modest reforms.

[00:34:55]These changes were largely centered around women's groups, support for mothers, cost effective housing, and additional policies that favored families and motherhood. Echoing measures taken under Italian fascism and the BUFF. Quoting from the memorandum, >> in all other areas of civic life, the necessity of bringing in the foremost influence of women applies just as much.

[00:35:17]This claim to a greater area of responsibility cannot be dismissed as feminism.

[00:35:22]The Vul have an inalienable right to leadership by the best Germans of both sexes. The vault compromises the entirety of the people. If it is to prosper, it can therefore only be led through the whole of the people.

[00:35:35]The best men and the best women have to share in the leadership of the nation.

[00:35:40]Men and women must participate in every leadership office.

[00:35:44]>> Rogaburner was of the conviction that the quest for gender equality was deeply intertwined with anti-semitic sentiments and the ideals of Nordic aesthetic perfection. She asserted that the Germanic peoples had a historical legacy of gender parody where women were afforded full quality and the space to realize their full potential.

[00:36:03]Along with other national socialist feminists, Rogaburner championed the notion that women had the capacity to serve as priestesses, leaders, and warriors, referencing texts like the Eta, Icelandic sagas, the Hervara saga, Gesta Denorum, and Tacitus' accounts to bolster their version of a Nordic brand of feminism.

[00:36:26]Leveraging the national socialist ideology that exalted Germanic identity as the pinnacle of cultural achievement, these feminists argued for a revival of the Nordic Golden Age in contemporary Germany, laying the groundwork for what is known as Vulkish feminism.

[00:36:40]Despite the fact that Rogaburner's ideals of complete gender equality did not come to fruition under Hitler's rule, her allegiance to national socialism remained steadfast through World War II and persisted until her death. Remarkably, the National Socialists also recognized various feminists, including Hedwick Hale, Augusta Schmidt, and Helen Lang, in a mural that celebrated their historical contributions, illustrating a complex and often contradictory relationship with feminist thought. As stated on the path of women mural by Adolf Hitler, >> we respect all genuine achievements made in earlier times because they correspond to the spirit of national socialism.

[00:37:22]>> In 1926, Emma Hadlick, a feminist, ignited a debate within an article of the National Observer, the official newspaper of the NSDAP.

[00:37:32]In her piece, Hadick criticized Elizabeth Sander, the head of the women's organization affiliated with the NSDAP.

[00:37:39]This led to a series of charges and countercharges published in the newspaper from January to April 1926.

[00:37:46]Many of the issues raised during this debate resurfaced in 1933 with the publication of German women's address to Adolf Hitler.

[00:37:53]Despite the National Socialists rise to power, national socialist feminists did not cease expressing their beliefs. They held that women distinct from men but equally capable and intelligent had much to offer the German populace beyond their role as mothers. In their envisioned German society, women would stand shoulderto-shoulder with men, contributing to the communal welfare.

[00:38:15]These feminists drew on anthropological theories suggesting that matriarchical societies were humanity's earliest social structures and claimed that in ancient Germanic cultures, men and women were of equal standing. The core of the debate between the feminists and their critics centered on the historical realities of German society rather than aspirations for the future.

[00:38:38]While many of these feminist arguments were compatible with national socialist thinking, Mr. Reichenile pushed beyond traditional boundaries, echoing sentiments found in radical modern liberal feminism. In her March 1932 essay to Hitler titled gifted women, Reichenau contended that women deserved influential roles not just for societal advancement but for their own self-realization.

[00:39:01]She defended professional women against criticism that they exacerbated unemployment or chose to remain childless. And she challenged the idea that they lacked maternal instincts.

[00:39:11]Reichenau criticized men for preferring comfortable marriages over partnerships with strong intelligent women, arguing that career oriented women could be superior mothers compared to those focused solely on motherhood. Citing historical figures like Maria Teresa and Clara Schuman as examples, she cautioned that unutilized female towns could manifest negatively, resulting in hysteria, neurosis, or domestic despotism.

[00:39:37]The debate's remarkable aspect was its fluidity in doctrinal terms. Alfred Rosenberg recognized the diversity of perspectives within national socialist feminism through Hadlick's original article and Xander's counterargument, suggesting open discussions about these differences.

[00:39:56]Other commentators pointed out that this internal conflict showcased the movement's dynamism.

[00:40:02]Rosenberg ultimately deferred to the party leadership, underscoring that any divergences should be subordinated to the overarching fight against capitalism, Marxism, and jewelry.

[00:40:13]In 1933, when these feminist issues resurfaced, Mgard prefaced her book with quotes from Hitler, calling on anyone who perceived danger to the people to openly combat evil, and the other stating that he who loves Germany may criticize us. In the National Observer, Rosenberg clarified that his critiques of Helix's work did not imply female inferiority, but rather emphasized differences in psyche and biology.

[00:40:39]Despite Rosenberg's attempt to settle the discussion in print, National Socialist feminists persisted in their opposition to his stance. Ergard even accused him of harboring Jewish tendencies due to his sexist views. As a result, many feminists within the National Socialist fold were subject to censorship by the German government.

[00:40:59]For more information on national socialist feminists, one can refer to the book mobilizing women for war by Lelo J. Rup. The book illustrates that within the Third Reich, women occupied a wide array of roles. They were integral to women's administrative bodies, played roles in female educational development, and held positions as academics and researchers. Women also served in public safety sectors such as the police and fire departments as well as in transportation, concentration camps, clerical work, support roles within the military.

[00:41:52]and the medical field as nurses, physicians, and military healthcare managers. Their involvement extended to the political arena in the realm of aviation.

[00:42:02]A number of women were recipients of distinguished honors, including the Iron Cross and the Golden Party badge.

[00:42:09]Notably, the German Luftwaffa was among the pioneers in employing women as pilots.

[00:42:16]In 1944, a substantial contingent of women assumed roles as combat pilots to free up their male counterparts for frontline service, and hundreds more served as instructors in gliding. Hannah Reich, a celebrated test pilot decorated with multiple accolades, was among these women.

[00:42:32]>> And I can only tell you, it was fascinating. It was like thundering through the skies sitting on a canoon wall, like being intoxicated by speed.

[00:42:44]It was not difficult to uh fly it. It was only an overwhelming impression. At the end of the airfield, at the airfield boundary, you already reached about 500 mph. with constant speed you were climbing up in 1 and a half to 2 minutes into a height of 30,000 ft.

[00:43:08]In 1945 she engaged directly in combat operations by undertaking the final flight mission into and subsequently out of besieged Berlin after the war. In her last interview, she said this.

[00:43:22]>> And what have we now in Germany? A country of bankers and car makers. Even our great army has gone soft. Soldiers wear beards and question orders.

[00:43:32]I am not ashamed to say I believed in national socialism. I still wear the iron cross with diamonds Hitler gave to me. But today in all of Germany, you can't find a single person who voted Adolf Hitler into power. Many Germans feel guilty about the war. But they don't explain the real guilt we share that we lost.

[00:43:52]And now a more eccentric and interesting personality, Violet Morris. She was born into a military family in Paris and she began her sporting endeavors in a Belgian convent where nuns introduced her to a variety of sports including cricket, basketball, cycling, and hockey. After the monastery, she turned her focus to English boxing and secured a commendable fifth place in the French deep sea swimming championship in 1913.

[00:44:18]Following the death of her parents in 1917, Morris immersed herself in the world of sports. Joining the French Women's Sports Federation and the Olympic Football Association, Morris excelled in a diversity of disciplines including shotput, javelin, football, swimming, cycling, athletics, discus throwing, weightlifting, motorcycleycling, and motoring. Her accolades are numerous, notably being crowned the best 5 kmter cyclist in 1925 and winning the Dah Mightes Rally in 1934, as well as clinching the French football championship in 1920, 1925, and 1926.

[00:44:58]Despite her sporting prowess, Morris's career was marred by controversy, including allegations of doping and scandals surrounding her personal style.

[00:45:06]These controversies along with underlying sexism in the sports community may have contributed to her estrangement from French sports and subsequent pivot towards radical ideologies.

[00:45:16]Morris's association with French fascism and her personal choices led to a profound departure from the conservative cultural norms of her time. After being banned from competitive sports due to the scandals, Adolf Hitler personally invited Morris to attend the 1936 Berlin Summer Olympics as a guest of honor.

[00:45:35]disregarding her gender non-conformity, bisexuality, and her choice to undergo a mystctomy in 1926 to better fit into racing cars.

[00:45:45]With the warm reception in Berlin came an offer for cooperation, leading Morris to become an integral figure in Vichi, France. Dubbed the hyena of the Gestapo, she took on roles as a spy, confronting British intelligence networks, interrogating women for the French Gustapo, and managing operations of the Lwaffa garage in Paris. Morris's active involvement with the Nazi occupation in Vichi France's government underscores her complicity in collaboration with these regimes.

[00:46:13]The true extent of Morris's ideological alignment with the fascist and national socialist causes is still subject to historical debate. While some argue her collaboration stem from opportunism or necessity, others contend it indicated a deeper resonance with the principles of fascism. Morris's life ended violently in 1944 when she was ambushed and killed by the French resistance. The intensity of the attack left her and the others in her car, including a married couple and their two children along with the mutual friend, unrecognizable.

[00:46:46]She was hastily buried in an unmarked grave. In death, efforts to demonize her intensified with enemies casting her as a sadistic figure, a portrayal that has contributed to her vilified status in historical memory.

[00:47:01]Eleanor Bower was a woman who played a crucial role in the early formation of the NSDAP, offering substantial support to Adolf Hitler from the party's inception.

[00:47:12]Her experience as a World War I nurse and her involvement with the Free Corps Oberland, a paramilitary unit engaged in conflicts against the Bavarian Soviet Republic and in the Baltics in 1919, laid the groundwork for her entry into nationalist politics.

[00:47:29]Bower's unwavering commitment to the National Socialist cause became evident when she was arrested on March 11th, 1920 for delivering an inflammatory anti-semitic speech at a women's assembly in Munich. Her subsequent acquitt not only absolved her of charges, but also solidified her status as a martyr within the National Socialist Movement.

[00:47:51]Bower sustained injuries during the Beerh Hall push, positioning her as the sole woman actively engaged in the failed coup and earning her the prestigious Blood Order Medal, an exclusive accolade granted to only 16 women within the National Socialist Party.

[00:48:08]As a trusted confidant of Hitler, Bower held a significant position in his inner circle. Hinrich Himmler appointed her to a highranking role as the welfare sister for the Waffan SS. a responsibility equivalent to an SS Oberir akin to a general in the Waffan SS hierarchy. In 1934, Bower established the National Socialist Order of Sisters with a focus on nursing, assuming the role of honorary chairwoman by 1937.

[00:48:39]Her dedicated service to the party was further recognized through the receiving of the Golden Party badge.

[00:48:46]Bowerard garnered a claim during the NS era as the epitome of the national socialist woman. Among her numerous decorations were the Celisian eagle order, the silver medal for bravery and the about to come cross. Notably, Bower's steadfast allegiance to national socialism persisted even after the collapse of the regime, underscoring her endearing loyalty and resolute belief in the principles she ardently upheld.

[00:49:19]The Iron Guard, formerly the Legion of the Archangel Michael, founded by Cornelius Leo Krianu in 1927, presents one of the most theologically saturated and internally contradictory cases of women's participation in any European fascist movement of the inner war era. Deeply rooted in Romanian Orthodox mysticism and a cult of martyrdom and national regeneration, the Legion cultivated a vision of the legionary woman that was more spiritually demanding and more ambiguous than equivalents found in Italian, British or Spanish fascism.

[00:49:59]The sources for this section of the video have come from two very interesting scholarly articles from Anka Diana Agiana's 2022 dissertation, women and politics in the Romanian Legionary movement from the European University Institute and research by sociologist Mihi Stellian Rousu. And you know they've really revealed a picture that is far more complex than uh people really give it credit to. is very overlooked.

[00:50:30]So the Legion's origins lay in the student activism that swept Romanian universities in the early 1920s centered on demands against the Jewish students of these schools. And from the very beginning, women were present in this millu. As Exchangeenia documents, women's participation in the nationalist student movement was initially spontaneous and informal, facilitated by kinship, friendship, and personal relationships, which are the same social bonds that underpinned the Legion's broader recruitment across Romanian society. By 1927, the founding documents of the legion envisioned a feminine auxiliary section structured around nuclei of 3 to 13 members preceded by the motto save the family, religion in the country. The section was addressed to mothers and framed in explicitly domestic and religious terms. Yet even at this earliest stage, the ideological framing diverged from practice. The Legion's first magazine featured articles by women students who described themselves as legionary women and called for female participation in the national struggle not merely in the home but alongside men. Maria Vieru, a medical student in Yashi, wrote in 1928 that legionary women would fight alongside men as the honorable ayses of Romanian noble women of the past and participate in building the legionary ideal under the movement's captain until the final victory.

[00:51:59]Police surveillance of the movement produced reliable membership data.

[00:52:03]According to a 1933 police report, 8% of the members were women, rising to around 11% by 1938.

[00:52:11]The comparatively low figures, uh, especially compared to a movement such as the British Union of Fascists reflected structural barriers as the Legion social base was overwhelmingly drawn from university students and very few women attended Romanian universities during this period. So, it's not an ideological exclusion of women. It's just the base that they're drawing from already doesn't have many women in it.

[00:52:36]In December 1934, following the movement's reorganization after the assassination of Prime Minister Ayan Duka, the feminine section was formalized in place under the leadership of Nikicoa Nicollescu. The section's basic unit, the fortress, held a maximum of 13 women each. Tasks performed by the women of the feminine section mostly included what Aguinia terms traditional feminine work such as cleaning, cooking, sewing, and child care, but also overtly political actions such as distributing legionary newspapers, fundraising, running legionary cantens, serving as corers for the leadership, and more rarely wearing uniforms, and taking part in paramilitary training.

[00:53:21]The most consequential female figure in the legion's history was Nicicoleta Nicicolesu. Personal corer of Krianu, commander of the women's fortresses and the movements defining martyr woman.

[00:53:33]Agena's archival research illuminates her career in concrete detail that earlier scholarship had not captured.

[00:53:40]Nikicolescu had been an active legionary crier since at least 1931 with police recording her constant coming and going from the legion's headquarters on Impremier Street in Bucharest. She was arrested in January 1934 after the assassination of Prime Minister Duca, identified in the trial transcripts as a very devoted member who had received her first important leadership task after 3 years of involvement. heading the movement's corier information service during Kodriani's time in hiding.

[00:54:12]At the trial, Nicolescu was one of three women accused alongside dozens of male defendants of direct or indirect involvement in the plot. She was 22 years old.

[00:54:23]She and her co-acused were among the most active organizers of the Legion's penetration of Bucharest's universities.

[00:54:30]A police report from January 1935 records Nicicolescu presiding over a meeting of 37 Legionary women students at the movement's headquarters, calling them to account for absentees, warning of disciplinary measures, and communicating Kodrianu's orders directly. Women's students were instructed to enroll in a student office for education and control functioning as a kind of information service and each group of legionary men was to be paired with two women in the effort to take over the committees of student associations.

[00:55:01]Rousu's research on the movement's official press characterizes the ideal type Nicoles embodied as the Verago, the warrior woman who had undergone what one scholarly analysis calls a transition from Virgo to Verago and then from Verago to Virgin Martyr. The legionary sister wrote a female contributor to Buuna Vestere should embrace her role as a fighter aspiring to belong to an elite whose sole aim is martyrdom integral martyrdom for the resurrection of the nation. Nikicolescu embodied this with a fierce ceticism.

[00:55:34]After the Iron Guard's suppression under King Carol II, Nicolescu was arrested and killed. Within legionary memory, she was venerated as a martyr virgin.

[00:55:44]compared an exileic legionary literature to Jon of Arc. The Nicolletes, women who followed her example, became a recognized category within the movement's martyology, mentioned alongside the movement's most celebrated male martyrs in the pages of the official Legionary State newspaper.

[00:56:01]Beyond the formal feminine section, Axenia's archival research documents the active and sometimes physically bold participation of legionary women in the movement's student protest campaigns. At an unauthorized student gathering turned legionary demonstration in Rammanichu Vouchia in August 1934, three prominent women, Anastasia Sika Pescu, Zoika Stlescu, wife of the legionary leader Mihi Stelllescu and Tiana Silomon, fiance of one of the Nicodori, marched at the head of a column of 40 students in military formation through the city. When police intervened, the students lay down in the street and held arms to form a human chain.

[00:56:43]One of Axenia's most significant findings concerns the relationship between established Romanian feminist organizations and the Legionary Movement, a connection that has been almost entirely absent from prior scholarship.

[00:56:57]Romanian interwar feminism was dominated by two major organizations. the National Orthodox Society of Romanian Women founded in 1910 and the National Council of Romanian Women founded in 1921.

[00:57:11]Both were primarily upper class nationalist and philanthropic in orientation and both were significantly shaped by the ideology identified by Exenia as Latin feminism which is the type of feminism elaborated on in the section about fascist Italy.

[00:57:31]The central figure connecting Romanian feminism with legionary sympathies was Princess Alexandrina Canacusino.

[00:57:39]One of the most prominent figures of the interwar feminist movement and a leader within both the National Orthodox Society of Romanian Women and the National Council of Romanian Women both mentioned earlier.

[00:57:52]She was a nationalist fighter who grounded all her activity in church, school and family. Kakazino declared in 1926 that the woman is in every country the preserver of the ethnic character of a people. As Axenia documents the national council of Romanian women obtained a women's column in the nationalist newspaper calendar directed by the theologian Nikki forc one of the legion's most prominent intellectual supporters. One of the most active journalists in this column, Operana Medanu, was openly sympathetic to the Legion and personally attended legionary events, including a celebration of the movement sports section at the Greenhouse in 1933, where she awarded prizes to legionary athletes. In her articles, Medanu praised Mussolini for giving the fascist women a capital role in the regeneration of the country. By the second half of 1933, support for the iron guard in the pages of Kalandar rule was expressed in almost every issue with the woman's column part of this broader political current.

[00:59:07]The Spanish case presents perhaps the most complex and internally contested engagements between fascism and feminism of any European fascist movement of the era. The Fange Espanola founded by Jose Antonio Primode de Rivera in 1933 cultivated a significant female constituency almost from its inception.

[00:59:29]And the women who rallied to the nationalist cause during the Spanish Civil War formed a formidable force in their own right, even as profound tensions between traditional Catholic gender norms and the demands of total mobilization produced contradictions that the movement never fully resolved.

[00:59:45]Founded in July 1934 as part of the Fange Espanola de la Hans, the section femininina was led throughout its history by Pilar Primo de Rivera, the younger sister of Fange Espanola founder Joseé Antonio Primode de Rivera and became an important organization in defining Spanish womanhood.

[01:00:05]Initially small, the organization grew with remarkable speed once the Civil War began. From just 300 members in 1934, its membership swelled to 400,000 by 1938. By 1939, Sexon Feminina had a membership of over 580,000 women nationwide.

[01:00:25]Few women dominate the modern history of Spain like Par Primo de Rivera. Despite the short-lived political careers of her male relatives, she distinguished herself as a durable, malleable, and adept politician remaining in the public spotlight for over 40 years in Spain.

[01:00:42]Unlike two of her brothers, both put to death by the Republicans, she survived the Spanish Civil War during which she met Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, and Antonio Salazar.

[01:00:53]She attempted to prevent reprisals being taken against the widows of Republican militants and supported the ascent of King Juan Carlos I in 1975.

[01:01:03]Of course, there is some contradiction here between the traditional Catholic sort of womanhood that she promoted in her own life where she had no children.

[01:01:13]Historian Marie Alen Barakina has observed a contrast between the fangist ideal of the Spanish woman and the fangist ideal of the felangist woman.

[01:01:22]While the section praised the housewife and mother, many section officers saw themselves as a vanguard, were single, had no children, and worked outside the home, sometimes confronting male peers.

[01:01:34]Unlike the religion-c centered women of action, Catalikica, female felangists were political in their service of fascism. During the war, the organization proved itself militarily useful as well with members providing cover for philangist operations. This included hiding guns in their dresses.

[01:01:52]During the war, women affiliated with section feminina spread propaganda, sewed flags, visited flanges prisoners in jail, supported families of prisoners, and engaged in large-scale fundraising activities in support of nationalist causes. In the post-war period, section feminina also organized women's sports and promoted musical folklore. In 1963, it founded sports societies and created the first regular national women's leagues in Spain for sports such as basketball, handball, and volleyball. The organization's broader social program also left a lasting mark.

[01:02:28]Section Feminina's influence on government legislation and his contribution to the nation's economic and social stability were considerable, and its elite members believed their work was nothing less than a felangist revolution capable of transforming society.

[01:02:51]In exploring the historical connections between feminism and fascism, it's clear that these political movements aren't simply oppressive or rooted in reactionary thought. Fascist policies often embraced modernism, differing from traditionalism like those of Joseph Destra. It's important to correct the misconceptions spread by some who claim to support fascism yet embody outdated misogynistic stereotypes. There is a wide range of thought within fascism and far-right movements as a whole from more traditionalist to more modernist and many things in between.

[01:03:30]These movements aimed for an inclusive society promoting collaboration across class and gender and sought to enhance national well-being. Any deviation from this inclusive and progressive vision misrepresents true fascist ideology which did not confine women to merely domestic roles or oppose contemporary societal dynamics.

[01:03:53]Fascist feminism endeavored to uphold traditional family roles while ensuring women's representation within a corporist system successfully rallying women from diverse backgrounds.

[01:04:06]While the legitimacy of fascist feminism is debated, some modern feminists, anti-fascist activists, and even factions within fascism acknowledge its pro-women elements.

[01:04:20]Mainstream academics often downplay these aspects to fit a particular narrative. A fascist movement advocating for women's empowerment challenges left-wing assumptions and fosters national unity.

[01:04:33]Although not all arguments here need endorsement, it's evident that a pro-women stance can coexist with fascist thought.

[01:04:44]My point in making this video has not been to argue for one side or the other, but merely again to show the range of thought within these movements and this ideology that I think is often smeared, misrepresented, and most of all misunderstood.