Snider correctly identifies that central banks are merely "pushing on a string" when private banks refuse to take risks. This video exposes the fatal flaw in modern policy: you can lower the price of money, but you can't force a scared bank to lend it.
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Europe’s Banks Are Signaling Something Is Seriously Wrong
Added:You think lower interest rates stimulate the economy because that's what you're told, but the consequences of getting that wrong just filled American stadiums with wondrous European soccer fans who didn't realize what they've been missing. It's a story that gets taught in every economics textbook. The central bank cuts rates, loans become cheaper, banks lend more, businesses invest, consumers spend, and overall the economy accelerates. There's just one problem.
Just as Europeans made the trek to the US this summer for the World Cup, European banks were doing the opposite of what those textbooks have written in them, and they continue doing the opposite right now. And that helps explain something Europeans saw with their own eyes this summer. Thousands of soccer fans arrived in the United States for the World Cup and almost immediately began posting videos about American homes, the roads, the stores, the suburbs, incomes, and just overall material abundance. Many seemed genuinely shocked by how much richer the United States looked. Those videos were treated as lighthearted culture shock, but this is a story about what they've been missing and more importantly, why.
It's an economic tale nearly 20 years in the making, one filled with banks and bonds, false promises, false hopes, and a deep economic hole that Europe never climbed out of after that one big crisis.
But let's begin at the end or where we are now. Europe's economy, its banks, and interest rates starting out 2026.
The latest that we got from the European Central Bank's bank lending survey shows lenders operating defensively. Standards are being tightened, risk tolerance is deteriorating, banks are increasingly concerned about the outlook for borrowers and the wider economy, and I don't mean inflation. At the same time, these financial institutions, they just can't get enough government securities.
A near record buying binge of safety, and that combination matters, and it matters a great deal. A bank has choices. It can make a loan to a business, financial commercial property, extend consumer credit, or hold a government bond, a boring old government bond. The private loan may offer a higher interest rate, but it also brings credit risk, regulatory costs, and a whole bunch more. The possibility that the borrower will default. A government bond, it's liquid. It's widely accepted as collateral and generally easier to hold on a balance sheet. In a genuinely healthy environment, a good place, as the ECB's head Christine Lagarde kept putting it, private lending opportunities look attractive and therefore attract bank attention. Safe government bonds would have to compete with all those profitable opportunities.
But Europe's banks are choosing safety, not a good place narrative. But here's the thing, this defensive shift occurred even after the ECB pushed its benchmark toward 2% last year, an ultra-low level that conventional economics describes as accommodative. And even after the ill-conceived rate hike last month, the policy rate is still only 2.25%.
It is nowhere near what the textbooks say is restrictive. The policy rate fell and fell a lot, lots of Pringles, but the willingness to lend did not rise with it.
As European soccer fans arrived in America for the World Cup, their online reactions immediately spread like wildfire all over social media.
Visitors filmed enormous supermarkets, detached homes, wide suburban streets filled with large SUVs, and inexpensive gasoline, at least relative to European prices. Powerful air conditioning is everywhere. Restaurants serve portions that seem designed for three people.
Some were impressed by American roads and country landscapes. Others, they were astonished by the scale of ordinary suburban life, the space, the convenience, the amount of physical consumption that's accessible to middle-class households. Now, obviously, social media videos aren't economic data. Tourists see selected parts of a country, exchange rates affect impressions, and Americans, let's face it, Americans face serious problems involving housing, health care, debt, and of course, inequality. A silent depression that has hit the US, too.
Europe also provides public services that are not always captured by comparing salaries or house sizes. But, the surprise itself is revealing. Many Europeans just didn't realize how large the material gap had become.
The US didn't experience a spectacular recovery after 2008, either. In fact, it really didn't happen. By historical American standards, it was well within the depression category. But, Europe's, it was much worse, much worse, as we'll see. The comparison was not between a perfect American economy and a normal European one. It was between two disappointing post-2008 systems. One which fell much farther behind and stayed much farther behind. And the difference begins with how heavily Europe depended on its banks.
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The textbook model treats the central bank's interest rate like an accelerator pedal. Press it down and the economy speeds up. The real credit system and the real economy in reality far more complicated at the very least.
A central bank directly administers an overnight benchmark. That's really it.
It doesn't command a commercial bank to approve a 30-year mortgage, finance a factory, or roll over the debt of a struggling company. Those decisions depend on expected repayment, collateral that's available, capital, liquidity, the funding market conditions, as well as confidence in future economic activity. Imagine a bank considering a loan to a medium-sized manufacturer. If demand is rising, the company's cash flow will be strong. The bank may lend even at a relatively higher benchmark rate. But if orders are falling, energy costs are unstable, collateral values are questionable, and the bank expects a downturn, cutting the policy rate from 3% to 2% is not going to transform a bad risk into a good one. It might actually do the opposite. Falling rates signal that central bankers see the same weakness. They can flatten the yield curve and reduce the spread between what banks earn on longer-term assets and what they pay for funding. And when economic risk is rising, a lower yield on a government bond may still look superior on a risk-adjusted basis to a supposedly high-yielding private loan.
That is why low rates and tight credit often appear together. The low rate is not necessarily the cure. Frequently, it's the evidence of the disease. The bond market understands the strong demand for government debt, compressed swap spreads, flat yield curves, and forward curves that price lower rates in later periods. They all send a similar message. Financial institutions value liquidity and balance sheet protection more than risky expansion. Europe's over-reliance on bank credit made it's especially susceptible after the 2008 crisis, the 2008 banking not subprime mortgage crisis. The United States by contrast had a very well developed capital market system including especially the corporate bond market. So there's corporate bond securitizations, non-banks, other forms of well developed capital markets that helped in part alleviate the stress in the aftermath of 2008.
Now the US system certainly produced its own level of disasters, but when banks pulled back for good after the crisis, American borrowers, American commercial companies had more potential routes around the blockage. Europe by contrast wasn't so fortunate. When its banks became impaired in the global eurodollar mess, the credit mechanism for a large part of the European economy became impaired with them. Then came the follow-up crisis beginning in 2011 or what we call around here eurodollar number two, which hit Europe especially hard. European banks were connected to European governments, governments were connected to their domestic banks, and fear about one weakened the other and spread outward from there. Europe fell back into outright recession while the United States came very close, yet avoided the same degree of renewed contraction. This is the key distinction. Europe hasn't been in one uninterrupted official recession since 2008. The deeper problem is a persistent depression-like shortfall, a recovery that's so weak the economy remained far below the path people once expected to be a reasonable sustainable one. And as I pointed out in a recent video, the difference between recession and depression is that in a recession the problem is a couple quarters of maybe negative growth, whereas in a depression it is year after year of no upside to growth. A few percentage points of missing growth in one year may not feel dramatic, but repeat that performance for 15, 16, 17, 18 years and it compounds into an enormous difference in income, investment, productivity, housing quality, consumer choices, and ultimately living standards. That accumulated loss is what many World Cup visitors were seeing without knowing its history, without knowing where it all really came from.
The ECB, of course, didn't ignore Europe's problems. In fact, they did like every other central bank around the world. Repeated, repeated year after year after year of stimulus. Not just stimulus, but escalating stimulus. There were zero interest rates followed by outright bond buying purchases, then QEs, and then negative interest rates.
It was a decade filled with more and more stimulus that didn't stimulate. And every intervention was described in exactly that fashion, highly accommodative. But if a policy has to be restarted, enlarged, extended, and supplemented over and over again, it's worth asking whether it's actually fixing the mechanism it claims to be repairing. The ECB created reserves and expected banks to use the so-called liquidity as a platform for rapid credit creation and recovery. Instead, banks often held the liquidity in government bonds, shifting always towards safer assets. Beginning in 2014, the ECB imposed a negative deposit rate partly to penalize banks for keeping their reserves idle. The theory was straightforward, make it costly to hold liquidity and therefore banks will have to lend it into the real economy. Yet European banks frequently chose to pay that penalty rather than accept risk that they didn't want to take. And that response was treated as stubbornness when in reality, it was information.
Banks were saying that the expected return from additional lending wasn't sufficient to compensate for credit risk, for uncertainty, an outlook that was increasingly dark. A small penalty on reserves, which is what negative interest rates really are couldn't erase those concerns.
During the so-called globally synchronized growth period of 2017 and early 2018, officials became convinced the system had finally finally been repaired after almost a decade. The ECB discussed ending its QE and eventually normalizing its policy rates, but bond and money markets never fully accepted that celebration or that interpretation.
Yields only moved modestly and longer-term euro rates remained subdued throughout. When weakness returned in 2018, yields quickly fell again because they had never risen very far. The ECB kept presenting each intervention as the beginning of normality. The markets kept responding that normality hadn't returned at all.
For households, it wasn't like 2008 where just a revival one big event. This was year after year of relentless lack of upside opportunity. You never really notice what isn't happening. And when it continues to be that way for year after year after year, the cost the opportunity cost truly stack up and it takes something like the visit to the United States for the World Cup to finally stop and realize and look around what's been missing the entire time.
A weaker credit system means fewer new businesses, less investment in equipment, a slower construction, weaker productivity, fewer opportunities for workers to move into higher paying jobs.
That means wages grow more slowly, incomes don't grow nearly enough. Young workers enter labor markets with fewer paths upwards. Families, they have to delay buying homes or having children.
And governments, governments especially in Europe struggle to finance generous promises because the tax base doesn't really grow fast enough or really grow that much at all. Existing wealth remains visible across Europe. It still has beautiful cities, excellent infrastructure many regions. There are successful exporters and generations of accumulated capital. But accumulated wealth and current economic dynamism are not the same thing. A country can look rich because it inherited railways and buildings, institutions, industrial expertise, while simultaneously becoming less capable of generating new income and new opportunities. That's why long-term stagnation is difficult to recognize from the inside. People compared this year with last year, not with the economic path that might have existed if investment and productivity had recovered after 2008. The losses relative to an alternative future, not where we were last quarter or last year.
But then, Europeans visited the United States and suddenly they had another reference point. That was huge. That was a wake-up call. The larger homes and the higher salaries didn't appear overnight.
They reflected years of compounding differences. Even though, again, America's own performance has been historically disappointing. It's been much, much more disappointing in Europe.
Which brings us right back to the government bond buying at European banks today here in 2026 because that offers us a prognosis about whether or not these conditions are likely to change in the near term or even the long term.
Why would banks load up on government securities just as lower policy rates are supposedly encouraging them to finance the private economy?
Well, because banks aren't machines that convert reserves into loans. They don't use reserves at all. They're balance sheet managers. Government securities provide liquidity. They can be sold quickly, pledged as collateral, they can be used in repo markets, and held with more favorable regulatory treatment than many private assets. And during periods of uncertainty, those characteristics become even more valuable. This also explains why the recent upward adjustment in the ECB's rate last month doesn't necessarily contradict falling longer-term market expectations. A central bank can move the overnight rate higher for a meeting or two, but it can't force the economy to generate profitable credit demand, stronger employment, or sustainable economic growth. Forward rate curves, we talk about them all the time. They're frowned. Markets allowing for a near-term rise or plateau in the administered policy rates, but then declines farther out as economic weakness takes over all over again. The flat yield curves in Europe deliver the same warning. If investors expected vigorous growth, expansive credit creation, and like everyone says, persistent inflation, longer-term yields would normally rise to reflect that future. Instead, the curves across Europe say the central bank may control the front end temporarily, but the economy controls the destination. Heavy government bond demand isn't proof of an approaching boom, it's evidence that financial institutions prefer safety, liquidity, and collateral over private risk. That's the opposite of what the stimulus narrative had promised.
So, when Europe entered the 2020s, pandemics and all the emergency programs that were implemented to try to combat the pandemic, it did so from a far weaker position than most people had actually realized, which had enormous consequences, enormous implications on where Europe is six years after it began.
Consumer prices jump, but calling the entire episode monetary inflation hides the most important mechanism. Much of it was just a supply shock. The price of energy rose because energy became scarcer and more expensive, not because European banks had unleashed an uncontrolled wave of credit creation.
For European households, the distinction didn't make the bills less painful. If food, electricity, heating, and transportation became more expensive while income and credit they didn't rise nearly enough to compensate, and they didn't. Families must spend more on necessities and less on everything else, and you start to feel that. You cancel a restaurant visit. You delay replacing a car. You abandon a vacation except for the World Cup. You buy fewer clothes, move into a smaller home, or you remain with your parents even longer. This is demand destruction.
Businesses who are facing weaker discretionary sales eventually lose their pricing power. They cut investment. They reduce hiring, a common problem endemic across the world, and they become even less attractive to cautious banks. The supply shock of the early 2020s therefore landed on households that had already endured the 2010s, an entire decade of weak income growth. It didn't merely make prices higher. It further reduced the living standards, the real living standards, on top of a post-2008 stagnation, depression, that had never been repaired. Europeans weren't just paying more, they were paying more from a much lower economic trajectory, and that is huge. The World Cup videos accidentally made that abstract story very visible, very real. Now, Europeans weren't conducting some controlled economic experiment. However, they were doing something very important, highlighting the very real consequences to 20 years of actual depression economics.
It was the accumulated result of nearly two decades of divergence. The cars, the houses, the stores, suburbs, they were all physical evidence of a larger capital stock and a more productive economic base. Now again, America has enormous problems all its own, and I haven't exactly been shy about telling you those problems these long few decades. The US didn't handle 2008 well at all, and its recovery also didn't truly happen. But America underperformed, and Europe underperformed much more. Those both can be true. Because Europe depended more heavily on its banks, the banking breakdown caused deeper and more persistent damage. Because the recovery was much weaker, and therefore much less like a recovery. The supply shock of the 2020s hit households with less room to absorb it. And because stagnation happened gradually, many people didn't notice the full scale of the relative decline until they stepped outside their familiar comparison.
The apparent contradiction is the answer. The ECB cut rates toward 2%, yet banks tightened credit and bought government bonds. That doesn't show the financial system is behaving irrationally, it shows the conventional story about interest rates is more often than not just plain wrong.
Low rates don't make abundant credit, and the prognosis, as we went over, isn't positive given what banks are doing right now. Europe has spent nearly 20 years treating lower rates and larger central bank programs as proof of stimulus, but its banks repeatedly declined to produce the credit expansion policy makers expected. Nothing ever got stimulated. The result wasn't simply a bad quarter or a temporary recession. It was a lost decade, a lost economic trajectory with less investment, weaker productivity, slower income growth, falling jobs, and households increasingly unable to absorb the next shock. So, this summer, thousands of Europeans traveled to America for soccer and discovered that gap in the most direct way possible. They didn't see it in an ECB press conference, they saw it in homes, in roads, stores, paychecks, everyday abundance in living standards.
And all of that points back to the same lesson. Central banks can administer an overnight policy rate, but they can't create bank balance sheet expansion or manufacture confidence and opportunity, and they can't create a recovery simply by calling lower interest rates stimulus and then telling everyone it worked. If anything about the World Cup sticks with Europeans, it's a realization that something was missing all this time.
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