This video captures a heated Senate hearing where Senator Chris Coons challenged Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth over the Trump administration's Iran war strategy, questioning whether tactical military successes (degrading Iranian naval capabilities) translated into strategic objectives (preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and reopening the Strait of Hormuz for commercial traffic). Coons argued that reopening the Strait of Hormuz remained elusive despite military claims of control, as Iran retained capabilities including Shahed drones and fast boats, and that the administration was on the verge of strategic loss by negotiating with Iran while the strait remained closed. Hegseth defended the strategy, emphasizing the ability to defeat a 47-year nuclear threat and asserting that the President and military controlled what went in and out of the strait.
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US Iran War News | Senator Coons Clashes With Hegseth Over Iran War Strategy & Hormuz Blockade追加:
In my assessment, there was no imminent threat to the United States that justified the president using his Article II powers, and there was insufficient preparation to make sure that we had the right troops, the right capability um deployed.
You said just a few moments ago, Mr. Secretary, we control the Strait.
But it's clear that reopening the Strait of Hormuz for commercial traffic eludes us.
The majority of your question was highly disingenuous and loaded with suggestions that I very much don't agree with.
We control what goes in and out, and we control whether or not we have to restart conflict. The president does as well. Mr. Secretary >> ones that will manage where this goes in the future, and they have very limited ability to to set the tempo or respond to it, and that gives the president a lot of options to ensure that Iran never gets a nuclear weapon.
You've achieved a series of tactical successes, but are on the verge of a strategic loss because we are now negotiating >> Just think of how foolish. Here we are on a committee in the United States Senate, 74 days in, and you're talking about strategic loss. We have the ability to defeat a 47-year threat of a pursuit of a nuclear weapon. We have more leverage than we've ever had.
In my assessment, there was no imminent threat to the United States that justified the president using his Article II powers, and there was insufficient preparation to make sure that we had the right troops, the right capability um deployed.
There used to be a consensus in national security that America should only go to war when there's an imminent threat to our national security, when all other options have been exhausted, and when we have clear objectives and a plan for how it ends.
As uh General Keane uh testified, the military was given three clear goals.
Sink the navy, um attack and destroy the ballistic missile launchers, and degrade their defense industrial base, and you have accomplished those.
But President Trump celebrated regime change after saying that regime change was the real goal.
And our NATO allies have delivered. They have allowed overflight, they have allowed projection of force despite not being consulted. You said just a few moments ago, Mr. Secretary, we control the Strait.
But it's clear that reopening the Strait of Hormuz for commercial traffic eludes us in no small part because Iran retains a robust stockpile of cheap lethal Shahed drones and they are getting help from our adversaries in rebuilding them.
What is your plan for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, Mr. Secretary?
I would just note that the majority of your question was highly disingenuous and loaded with suggestions that I very much don't agree with. Uh from the beginning >> Please Please feel free, sir, to pick any one of those things.
>> we've been very clear about the military objectives and the underlying strategic objective, which is preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. Yes. Take for example the fact that Iranians na- conventional navy, they had aircraft carriers with Shahed drones on them before this started. They had full on destroyers and battleship capabilities, none of which they they have any more.
And did the Iranian navy have aircraft carriers? The Iranian navy had three drone aircraft carriers. The Iranian navy had 11 >> platforms for drones, sure.
>> 11 submarines. They >> all of the regular navy. Great. Good.
They They retained fast boat capabilities, which they've always had.
We understand that, which we can control for and we'll We've degraded almost completely their defense industrial base capabilities. The idea that they control anything, you can terrorize something, you can hold it at issue with piracy as I've talked about at the Pentagon podium time and time again. That doesn't mean you control it.
We control what goes in and out and we control whether or not we have to restart conflict. The president does as well.
>> Mr. Secretary >> the ones that will manage where this goes in the future with and they have very limited ability to to set the tempo or respond to it and that gives the president a lot of options to ensure that Iran never gets a nuclear weapon.
The connection between their ability to close the Strait of Hormuz using fast boats and Shahed drones and our strategic goal, shared broadly, to prevent them from ever having a usable nuclear weapon is utterly unclear to me.
And my question was, what's the plan for reopening the Strait of Hormuz to commercial traffic? Shared broadly, but never executed. Shared broadly, but never executed because previous administration didn't have the willingness to actually do what it would take. And when Iran was at its weakest moments following the 12-day war, but still wanted the pursuit of a nuclear capability, President Trump made the courageous decision to go at their conventional umbrella and shield, which they were using to protect their nuclear program, which we knew came with threats and and branches and sequels. My concern, Mr. Secretary, is that you've achieved a series of tactical successes, but are on the verge of a strategic loss because we are now negotiating with Iran.
>> it's so foolish. Here we are in a committee in the United States Senate 74 days in and you're talking about strategic loss. We have the ability to defeat a 47-year threat of a pursuit of a nuclear weapon. We have more leverage than we've ever had. We've had incredible battlefield successes and you're talking about a strategic loss.
Mr. Secretary, these are disingenuous questions.
>> Mr. Secretary This is how you undercut efforts that could otherwise and are otherwise being very effective.
>> sir. I am not your adversary. I share your goal of preventing Iran from ever having a usable nuclear weapon.
To finish my sentence, control of the Strait of Hormuz, the ability to degrade our partners and allies' gas and oil production capabilities through cheap drones, the ability to harass and harry commercial shipping remains in Iran's hands. And their demands are that we recognize sovereignty for them over the Strait of Hormuz, which I believe our president's rejected, you've rejected, I reject. But my question remains, how do we reopen the Strait of Hormuz to commercial shipping? If we control it, how do we reopen it? And your average American is seeing this at the gas pump every single day as the cost of gas continues to rise.
Senator Coons, I know that your your question has not yet been responded to >> an answer. But I also understand I'm delaying my colleagues, but that's the question that deserves an answer.
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