A brilliant breakdown of how radical sound changes can camouflage a language's true origins and baffle even the best linguists. It turns a dense academic debate into a clear, fascinating lesson on the evolution of speech.
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Deep Dive
Proving Äiwoo is Oceanic was hard: why it took linguists decades to recognize a non-Papuan languageAdded:
There's a language heard along a reef out in the open Pacific. Despite being located on the apparent fringes, it's one I've come across repeatedly while animating other linguistic tales.
Part of a small group of languages, actually, that stand out from their surrounding Oceanic neighbors in ways that made them tricky to classify. As it has been more than a century since outsiders first labeled it "difficult", and as Pacific language experts were thrown off for decades, I've got to ask: whose language is it anyway, and what made it so tough to place?
In the southwest of the Pacific, just beyond the Ring of Fire, there rises a crest of land that then ribbons out over a great reef and on toward the active volcano, Tinakula. These are named, fittingly, the Reef Islands. The languages spoken here, besides Pijin and, less, English, back to them later, are two. Some speak te leo a Vaeakau-Taumako, long ago recognized to be Polynesian. Called an outlier, it falls outside the contiguous triangle of Polynesian languages, but, like most Pacific island tongues, it is securely and indisputably among the Oceanic Austronesian languages.
(I mean, check out that crab-claw sail!)
Without a doubt Oceanic. The same cannot be said of the more widely spoken language rooted in this place, one traditionally called our-language, but written about under the coined name Äi + woo, Äiwoo, Reef-language or Reefs.
Quite unlike Vaeakau-Taumako, Äiwoo would cause confusion that'd land it in the center of hand-wringing and debate. On one hand, its sounds and structures seem, at a glance, at least vaguely Oceanic. Then again, among the many small roots and affixes, element after tiny element bears no obvious resemblance to Oceanic.
Actually, know what? We could be here all day listing features. Throughout this video, let me set up two throughlines for us to track, and, to keep our canoe light and journey smooth: nouns and verbs. Big verbs, very big verbs, with complexes of stuck-on parts, like this one: Lupâpadomanaunetoâ, /lu.pɒ.pa.ndo.ma.nau.ne.ro.ɒ/! And nouns, they so often have an initial n-plus-vowel, ne/no/nyi and so on, tacked onto a short root. Or they instead start with a t-plus-vowel.
If this tongue is anomalous, it's not alone. The Reef Islands lie near Nendö, the largest of the Santa Cruz Islands. Santa Cruz... does that not sound Oceanic to you either? Ok then, I'll just jot a note here somewhere, back to that in three sentences. First, know that these islands chain onward to Utupua and Vanikoro. The five languages of Nendö north, four from Nendö and Reefs being the fifth, all share in these standout features.
Thus they were grouped as the Reefs-Santa Cruz languages.
That Spanish name comes from a ditched colonization effort in the 1500s, after one ship didn't quite make it past the volcano and the expedition's leader perished on Nendö. But who knows the Pacific knows that outsider study of language starts with a mission. Literally. And so it was here. In the late 1800s, missionizing Anglican reverends pass notes to each other, and end up giving outside observers rough-draft sketches of these "difficult exceptional languages" with their "Consonants and Vowels varying continually". (You maybe have already noticed some extra vowel symbols. While the typical Oceanic system, including in Vaeakau-Taumako, has five vowels, these diacritics help keep track of the richer Reefs-Santa Cruz vowel inventory.)
It'd be the better part of a century before an Australian linguist gathered up detailed examples of words and sounds and grammar, and then a French linguist worked with a speaker from Temotu Neo to check and expand on dialectal details. At the end of her sketch, she ventures a little concluding remark that ripples into our debate: we choose, instead, to connect the dialect to other identifiably Oceanic languages. Au contraire, instead; instead of what?
That's the challenge. The question is taken up in two back-to-back papers with opposing views. The Australian who came in with the data dangles before us features that stick out sorely.
Though half of the words do seem Oceanic, for ostensibly Oceanic languages these are "highly aberrant". He says, I have a long list I've documented, many points, from this rare sound IPA charts refuse to acknowledge to, well, those nouns and verbs. So, nouns, prefixed with a n- and then a vowel, seem to contain an intricate noun class system.
Separately, there are up to four different grammatical gender markers. And those verbs, yes those verbs are so very "elaborate". Clumped complexes of little slots.
It's all reminiscent of old grammatical features to the west. To the west... where languages are Papuan! So, he says, my position favors a "takeover" scenario: originally Papuan speakers of Reefs-Santa Cruz languages underwent layers of intense influence but never abandoned their language, only adapted it, mixing in words and structures but all along keeping a fingerprint that is not accounted for by old family tree models of language. Instead of focusing on Oceanic, we should tie them to the Papuasphere, and in fact bestow on them the honor of anchoring its easternmost edge!
Versus this, the pro-Oceanic position admits to being more "modest", "speculative" even. Ahem. These languages are unique enough that I don't know how to draw a straight line to them. But it's a bad habit to label aspects of Pacific cultures we can't pin down Papuan. The way their features work, and what they mean, feels so familiarly Oceanic at every turn. I can't prove it. And yet I expect vindication because I think I find parallels to each supposedly Papuan point within Oceanic itself. So, working idea: Reefs-Santa Cruz languages are directly Oceanic, they changed over a long period, and along the way they took on layers of indirect influence.
Terms of debate set, references to it undulate out in mentions of mentions until I meet it cited in the 2000s, with acknowledgement that it is unsettled. Or, maybe, was?
Well, how do you best the guy who collected the words? Go back, collect more words! At the very moment I was on the other side of the Pacific reading quotes throwing up hands at the matter, little did I know archaeologists were puzzling out the long history of settlement here, while a linguist was setting off to work with Äiwoo speakers.
Their destination is today's Temotu Province, the most "remote" part of Solomon Islands. To our eyes on a map, remote... but, and people in the field can remind me where I got this, for Oceanic peoples all this water looks like bridges not barriers. And that's our Papuasphere's first big snag. While prevailing winds and obsidian trade might've suggested a slow Papuan drift through Central Solomon Islands to someone writing in the 1970s, archaeological finds like this stamped pottery point back to an early Proto Oceanic culture some 2000 kilometers north, skipping or "leapfrogging" Solomon Islands altogether to arrive in Temotu as early as 3200 years ago.
This paralleled the picture emerging from the renewed linguistic attention. That menagerie of noun genders and classes? Actually, they're more like possessive and nominalizing elements, with analogous structures in Mussau, 2000km to the north-northwest. The verbs? That'd take another paper. So let's read! Ok, another paper or three, after which you'll find that the complex verb complex cuts and breaks into pieces full of neat Oceanic parallels.
A standout example is cut-and-break verbs. (Exactly the sort of thing you find in pop linguistic lists of, did you know in this language there's a whole specialized grammar dedicated to ways of breaking things?) A "complex event" like cutting and breaking packs into one word. Standing on and snapping, tapping and cracking open, and such. Each of the two elements may take a unique shape. Some never even appear independently, simpler elements remaining stuck inside the double event. If complex verbs were placed on a cut-and-break scale from serialized verbs to whittled-down grammatical affixes, well then, guess what? Again, plenty of Oceanic parallels.
With study, the core features were looking familiarly relatable. As in, relatable to a family. Reefs to Santa Cruz. Then, more distantly, to the languages of Utupua and to the languages of Vanikoro, south to the home of the one remaining speaker of Tanema. Best anyone can tell, these are three separate Temotu subgroups, and Temotu is itself a top-level Oceanic group. Put historically, over those 3200 years these languages developed on their own. On their own, but not in isolation.
And understanding that takes layers of understanding outside contacts. Let's work backwards. So the Lomlom airport opened in 2018, and flights connecting to the capital are on Thursdays. Hah, whoever's lived in or traveled the Pacific knows this one: often it's not, when's your flight? It's, what day of the week or month does the ship or plane come in?
Solomon Islands is part of a large Pijin-speaking stretch of the Pacific and connected to the wide world of English. Already, those 1970s papers drew attention to a borrowed English word heard on Nendö. I'm going to try and pronounce this: nö-wë /nɵwə/. Any guesses which English word is in here?
Hm. Well, lop off the part that's nn-front. Got it now: wë?
It's the word work. Fittingly, one of three postcolonial buckets of influence: mission and church, government, wage labour and Western good consumption. The language of these things isn't the vernacular. It's English that looms over the high levels of society, or all that's out there.
And increasingly there's the language this Äiwoo word comes from. "Kastom" is borrowed from Pijin for talking about the traditional old ways. Pijin influence comes through school and Solomon Islands culture but it's increasingly local, including in homes where parents don't share another language. It's what people speak today inside here.
Dating to before English and Pijin, there's this noun we've seen multiple times. Beside so many n-nouns, there's sometimes a different fused article spottable on the front.
To speakers of Polynesian languages (*hi!*), these are transparently two words: the island, the flatfish, the turtle. Äiwoo adopted the te article together with te nouns.
(Though the word for dog was borrowed without it; it's kuli and not, what would the prosody be, tekuli?)
Instead of Papuan speakers taking on Oceanic incompletely, it sounds like Oceanic speakers slowly incorporating layers of influence. (For a while, when kids would go off to school or family members leave for the capital on Guadalcanal, one local British shopowner let people use his personal email inbox. But, nowadays, maybe that's so Reefs 2012.)
Anyhow, for such an apparently remote location that constant linguistic contact is only a piece of what made the Reefs-Santa Cruz group so hard to classify.
The biggest reasons were lurking behind the noun and verb complexity I keep bringing up. The sound, the rhythm of the language, and the way it changed... and, surprisingly, a key way it didn't.
It reveals itself when, well, let's look back at all those na/ne/nyi/no-nouns and do a little anatomy. Take off that initial n-syllable once more, and let's look at those few sounds we're left with.
Four if we're lucky, often enough just three or two. Not much to work with, honestly. But run the comparisons, methodically, with the rest of Oceanic, meaning all the while you're also refining all of your Oceanic comparisons from the other sides, and four patterns emerge.
One, in the middle of these dollops of sounds, vowels between consonants look like at some point they collapsed in on themselves, an example of syncope. Two, what's left often seems like truncated forms of old Proto Oceanic words that were once longer, as if they've been eroded away at the ends. Three, consonant sounds grew weaker, softened, a process called lenition. Four, hello! You've already met the vowels, well they were changing, though I'd still like a detailed followup on the hows and whys, thank you.
Shrinking inner syllables, crumbling endings, weakening consonants, shifting vowels... ask your local phonologist, these are hardly unique processes. But they combine here to hide what had originally triggered this cascade of change. Sometimes, it looks like the start of a word is being kept. Other times, it's the end. And it's not random. Instead, the outcome seems very sensitive to what was long ago the stressed syllable and whether or not the original root ended in a consonant. Reefs-Santa Cruz languages then set out applying the changes until roots ended up condensed and tricky to recognize, all the while still respecting the prosody, these old rhythmic properties of the syllables. In a way, this left them with highly divergent and yet oddly preserved roots. Putting those roots back together into their words, which then get bound up into the complexes we've seen that distinguish how they're used today, and we can see why they took decades of work to recognize.
In the end, the hypothetical far edge of the Papuasphere was never Papuan at all, but a unique top level of Oceanic, the Temotu group.
Thanks for joining me. On the way out, please check my pages full of sources and appreciate my supportive patrons with me. I pour much time into creating these by hand, crafting every piece, from art to the music you hear now and then. Ok, that out there, stick around and subscribe to keep paddling with me through the waters of our world full of languages and cultures.
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