The Japanese 17th Army at Guadalcanal was defeated not by American firepower but by a catastrophic supply ratio of 14%, meaning only 14% of food and supplies shipped from Rabaul reached the island. This devastatingly low percentage resulted from the suppression of the Akimaru Unit's 1941 intelligence report, which had accurately predicted Japan's 10:1 industrial disadvantage against the United States. The Japanese military leadership rejected this report, believing in the doctrine of Yamato Damashii—that willpower and martial spirit could overcome any material disadvantage. The 17th Army's 30,000 soldiers, committed to the island in 1942, suffered 20,000 deaths, with 15,000 (75%) dying from starvation, dysentery, and disease rather than combat. This case demonstrates how military doctrine that refuses to read its own intelligence reports can lead to catastrophic strategic failure.
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Japanese Soldiers Called Guadalcanal "Starvation Island" — Here's WhyAdded:
In a storage room at the Solomon Islands National Museum in Honiara sits a rusted steel drum.
It once held aviation fuel.
In late 1942, it was scrubbed, packed with rice and dried fish, lashed to a chain of identical drums, and shoved off the deck of a Japanese destroyer racing through the dark.
It was meant to feed a starving army. It never reached the beach.
American pilots found it bobbing at dawn and emptied [music] their.50 calibers into it until it sank.
The drum they pulled from the reef 60 years later still has the holes.
The men waiting for it in the jungle had a name for the island those holes condemned them [music] to.
They called it Gashima.
Starvation Island.
On August [music] 7th, 1942, the 1st Marine Division waded ashore on a jungle island most Americans could not have found on a map a week earlier.
The code name was Operation Watchtower.
The objective was a half-finished airstrip the Japanese [music] had been scraping out of the kunai grass near Lungga Point.
The Marines took it in an afternoon.
They finished it in 2 weeks.
They named it Henderson Field after a Marine pilot killed at Midway.
And then, they waited for the Japanese army to come and take it back.
The Japanese army came.
It came in pieces.
It came in the wrong order.
It came with the wrong maps, the wrong food, and the wrong idea about who was waiting on the other side of the perimeter wire.
Roughly 30,000 Japanese soldiers would land on Guadal Canal between August 1942 and February 1943.
More than 20,000 of them would never leave.
And here is the detail that burns a hole through every assumption the Imperial General Headquarters held about modern war.
Of those 20,000 dead, only about 5,000 were killed by American firepower.
The other 15,000, three out of every four [music] Japanese fatalities, died of starvation, dysentery, beriberi, and malaria in a jungle less than a thousand miles from a fully functioning Japanese naval base.
They did not lose a battle. They lost an equation.
The equation they lost had been calculated in meticulous detail by their own intelligence service 18 months before the Marines ever set foot on the island.
It had been presented to the highest levels of the Japanese military.
It had been read, understood, and ordered suppressed.
The officers who suppressed it did so for [music] a specific reason.
They believed that willpower could beat arithmetic.
They believed that the Yamato spirit, the racial and martial essence of the Japanese soldier, would overwhelm any industrial disadvantage because Americans were too soft, [music] too decadent, and too politically divided to absorb the kind of casualties [music] a Pacific war would demand.
The soldiers who died in the mud on Guadalcanal [music] were the living proof of what happens when a doctrine refuses to read its own intelligence reports.
They were young men from Kyushu and Shikoku and Hokkaido who had been told in writing that the Americans would break.
They were sent into a jungle with a compass and no map, across a sea where their own destroyers were reduced to tossing oil drums overboard in the dark and hoping the tide would carry dinner to shore.
This is the story of how an army of 30,000 men was defeated not by Marines, not by Wildcats, not by naval gunfire, but by a supply ratio.
14%. [music] That is the number at the center of everything that follows.
14% of the food the Japanese army shipped toward Guadalcanal ever reached the beach.
The men waiting in the jungle got less.
December 29th, 1942. Somewhere in the ridgeline south of the Matanikau River.
The humidity at dawn on Guadalcanal is not a weather condition.
It is a pressure.
It sits on a man's chest like a wet coat.
The jungle canopy above blocks roughly 80% of the sunlight. So, even at noon, the floor is dim and green and smells of rotting bark and copper.
In a small [music] clearing, a Japanese enlisted soldier of the 17th Army, a man identified in translated Allied Intelligence only by [music] the family name Okajima, is sitting against the root of a banyan tree.
He has not eaten in 4 days.
His rifle is propped beside him.
In his lap is a cloth-bound diary and a stub of pencil.
A few yards away lies the body of a soldier named Yamamoto Kiuichi.
Yamamoto had been wounded earlier that day.
The wound, by the standards of a healthy combat infantryman, was minor.
A small piece of metal, probably from a mortar round, had opened a gash on his arm or shoulder.
In a field hospital with sulfa powder, plasma, and a cot, Yamamoto would have lived.
On Gashima, with no supplies and no hospital, he had stopped bleeding almost immediately, laying down, and died within a few hours. [music] Okajima opens the diary and writes. His entry, recovered later by the Allied Translator and Interpreter Section, reads almost exactly like this.
Yamamoto Kiuichi died from a wound.
Such young [music] soldiers with weak wills are no good, for they die from slight wounds.
>> [sighs] >> His wound was trifling with hardly any bleeding.
Now the casualties are 25 men.
Read that sentence again.
Read it slowly.
A man who has seen his comrade die of a scratch has reached, as his first explanation, the idea that the dead man had a weak will.
This is the sentence on which the entire Imperial Japanese Army broke.
Okajima was not a fool.
He was not even unobservant.
He was doing exactly what his training told him to do.
Since adolescence, he had been fed a single unbroken doctrine.
The doctrine of Yamato Damashii, the unconquerable Japanese martial spirit, which taught that willpower, purity, and devotion to the emperor could overcome any material disadvantage.
Logistics was a Western concern.
>> [music] >> Calories was something weak armies worried about.
A true soldier of the emperor drew strength from the spirit and not from the rice bag.
So when Okajima looked at Yamamoto's corpse, he could not see what was actually in front of him.
What was actually in front of him was a young man whose body had been consuming [music] its own muscle for weeks.
Yamamoto's circulatory system had been shutting down before the shrapnel ever touched him.
His blood pressure had collapsed. His platelets were exhausted.
His immune system had surrendered.
The reason the wound did not bleed was that there was no longer enough pressure in the vessels to push the blood out.
Yamamoto had been dying for a month.
The shrapnel simply closed the file.
But Okajima could not write that in his diary because his diary, his training, and his emperor [music] did not contain a vocabulary for it.
So he wrote, weak will.
And then he wrote [music] the next sentence, the one that matters even more than the first.
Now the casualties are 25 men.
25 [music] in a single entry.
In a company that had landed a few months earlier at full strength of roughly 180.
A few ridges away, [music] another soldier was keeping a different diary.
Private Watanabe Toshio of the First Company, First Battalion, 144th [music] Regiment recorded his own unit's collapse with the cold precision of a man who had stopped [music] pretending.
His company had begun the campaign with between 170 and 180 men.
By the time Watanabe wrote his entry, it was down to 50 or 60.
Almost none of the missing had died [music] charging a Marine position.
They had died sitting down.
There is a phrase the soldiers on Gashima started to use for this kind [music] of death.
When a man could no longer stand, he was said to be jibun no ashide tatsu dzu koto ga dekinai.
Unable to stand on his own feet.
From that point, the countdown began.
Three days, four days.
Sometimes a week if the man had been large to begin with.
The medical officers stopped [music] visiting.
There was nothing to visit with.
The record of provisions unloaded and delivered on G Island, an internal 17th Army ledger recovered after the war, documents that by mid-December frontline units were going entirely without food for stretches of five to seven days at a time.
Five to seven days.
Not reduced rations.
Zero.
The men in the jungle were not losing a [music] battle.
They were being erased slowly by an absence.
And none [music] of them, not even as they starved, were willing to name the absence for what it was.
The complete operational collapse of the logistics system their high command had told them did [music] not matter.
The document that condemned the 17th Army to starvation was not written on Guadalcanal.
It was written in Tokyo 18 months earlier in a quiet office building where a small group of Japan's best [music] economists had been asked a simple question and had answered it honestly.
In January 1940, the Japanese Ministry of War established a research body known officially as the Army War Economy Research Group.
Inside the Army, it was called the Akimaru unit after its director, Lieutenant Colonel Akimaru Jiro.
Akimaru was given a brief that would have been career [music] suicide for a less protected officer.
He was told to calculate without ideological filter and without reference to Yamato Damashii whether Japan could win a prolonged industrial war against the combined economies of the United States and the British Empire.
Akimaru assembled a team that included some of the most capable civilian economists in Japan.
Among them, the Marxist-trained economist Hiromi Arisawa, a man so respected that even the Kempeitai had left him alone.
For nearly a year, the Akimaru unit collected trade data, raw material extraction figures, shipping tonnage records, steel outputs, and petroleum reserves from every available source, including American trade publications the Japanese Embassy in Washington [music] was still legally allowed to purchase.
The result was a document of roughly 250 separate studies bound together under the title Survey of US-UK Allied Economic War Potential.
It was delivered to the Army General Staff [music] in the summer of 1941, approximately 5 months before Pearl [music] Harbor.
The survey said in cold statistical prose that a war between Japan and the United States would be decided by a ratio of approximately 10 to 1 in American industrial favor and that this ratio would widen not narrow as the war continued.
It said that American shipyards could replace losses faster than the Imperial Navy could inflict them.
It said that American aircraft production, once mobilized, would exceed Japanese production by a factor that could not be closed by any conceivable tactical victory.
It said in effect that the war Japan was considering was already lost on paper before the first shot was fired.
The report was read by senior officers including those close to General Hideki Tojo.
It was then marked for suppression.
Copies were ordered destroyed.
The surviving fragments, which historians [music] pieced together from the 1970s onward, show that the reason given inside the army was that the survey's conclusions were too passive.
Which in the idiom of the Imperial Army was a polite way of saying that the conclusions did not support the war the high command had already decided to start.
And now the moment in the story when contempt becomes a decision rather than a mood.
The officers who shelved the Okimura report did not believe it was wrong.
They believed it was irrelevant.
Their entire worldview rested on a single premise.
That American industrial figures, however large, would never convert into combat power because American society was too materialistic, too racially mixed, too politically divided, and too physically comfortable to endure the casualties of a real war.
A few sharp defeats, [music] the thinking went, and Washington would sue for terms.
The factories would never get a chance to matter.
This was the doctrine the 17th Army brought ashore at Guadalcanal.
And this was the doctrine that ordered the piecemeal destruction of its own forces.
Colonel Kiyonao Ichiki landed on the island on the night of August 18th, 1942, with roughly 900 men of what was called the Ichiki Detachment.
He had been told by Rabaul that the American force at Lunga [music] was probably a raid, perhaps 2,000 men, demoralized and ready to collapse.
Ichiki was advised to wait for the rest of his regiment.
He refused.
Three nights later, on August 21st, he led those 900 men in a frontal bayonet charge across a sandbar at the mouth of the Ilu River against dug-in Marines of the 2nd Battalion, 1st Marines, supported by 37-mm canister,.30 caliber Brownings, and eventually the 75-mm guns of light tanks that came up the beach at dawn.
The Ichiki Detachment ceased to exist as a unit before breakfast.
Colonel Ichiki burned his regimental colors and, according to Japanese sources, shot himself.
Roughly 800 of his men were killed outright.
The Marines [music] walked the sandbar the next morning and counted the bodies.
The Japanese High Command at Rabaul, informed of the disaster, drew no conclusion from it.
They sent the Kawaguchi Detachment next.
Same tactics, same result at Edson's Ridge in September.
Then elements of the 2nd and 38th Divisions, same tactics, same result at the Matanikau and Mount [music] Austen through October and November.
Each time a unit was annihilated, the headquarters in Rabaul interpreted the failure as a local tactical problem, [music] poor coordination, bad timing, insufficient artillery, and never, not once, as evidence that the underlying assessment of American combat capability might [music] have been wrong.
The Akimaru report had told them their own intelligence service, staffed by their own economists, using their own data, had handed them the answer in a bound volume 18 months earlier.
They had burned it.
And now, in the jungle, their soldiers were burning with it.
While the Japanese army was Akimaru report into the furnace, the country it refused to take seriously was doing something [music] the report had already predicted and that no Japanese planner in 1941 had any framework for imagining.
In January 1942, a month after Pearl Harbor, President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9024, [music] creating the War Production Board.
The WPB was given [music] authority to override the civilian economy at any point where civilian and military demand collided.
Donald M. Nelson, a Sears Roebuck executive, was placed in charge.
Over the next 18 months, the WPB would reach into almost every major American manufacturing sector and reshape it according to a single organizing principle.
Whatever the front needed, it got first and it got more of it than the front had asked for.
The numbers from the year Guadalcanal was fought are the numbers that matter because those were the numbers that killed Colonelly Cheeky's men without ever firing at them.
In calendar year 1942, American factories [music] completed somewhere between 49,000 and 50,000 military aircraft of all types.
In the same 12 months, Japanese factories completed approximately 9,000.
The ratio [music] was five and a half to one.
By 1943, it would be 6 to 1.
By 1944, it would be greater than 8 to 1.
Track it by month, the way a Japanese intelligence officer in Rabaul would have tracked it if he had still been reading reality instead of doctrine.
August 1942, the month the Marines [music] landed on Guadalcanal.
American factories rolled out approximately 4,000 military aircraft.
Japanese factories that same month produced roughly 800.
September, 4,100 American, 750 Japanese.
October, 4,300 American, 780 Japanese.
In each of the months the 17th [music] Army was throwing its best infantry at Henderson Field, the United States was putting enough new combat aircraft into the pipeline to replace the entire operational strength of the Japanese naval air arm every month from scratch with surplus [music] left over.
Aircraft carriers told the same story in longer intervals.
Between June 1942 and mid-1945, American shipyards laid down, launched, and commissioned 17 fleet and light fleet carriers.
Japan, in the same window, commissioned six.
By the end of 1943, there were 22 American carriers actively under [music] construction on American slipways.
The comparable Japanese number was three.
The bigger picture, tallied at the end of the war, 297,000 aircraft produced by American industry, 193,000 artillery pieces, 86,000 tanks, >> hold it. 2 million army trucks, Roughly 2/3 of all military hardware used by the entire Allied coalition in every theater came out of the same country whose soldiers the Akimaru report had told Tokyo would not fight.
But the number that actually determined what happened in the jungle on Guadalcanal was none of these.
It was a smaller number.
It was a percentage. [music] It was 14.
Guadalcanal sits approximately 900 km southeast of Rabaul, >> [music] >> the main Japanese logistics hub on New Britain.
It sits approximately 1,000 km [music] north of Espiritu Santo, the main American forward base.
For both sides, supplying a division-sized force on the island required moving hundreds of tons of rice, ammunition, medical supplies, fuel, and replacement equipment [music] across 1,000 mi of ocean every day.
The Americans could do this because they held air superiority during daylight hours from Henderson Field, and because their merchant marine was not being systematically [music] drowned.
The Japanese could not do it.
Between August and November 1942, the United States Navy and the Cactus Air Force, a scratch collection of Marine, Navy, and Army squadrons flying out of Henderson, sank 62 Japanese transport ships attempting to reach Guadalcanal.
In the same window, the Japanese managed to sink six American transports. [music] The merchant ratio by tonnage was worse than 10 to 1 in American favor.
And then, at the other end of the supply line, the 17th Army staff kept a ledger.
That ledger, Gato Sakusen no Kiroku, preserved in the Sumiyatei collection, is where the 14% comes from.
Of the staple food tonnage [music] dispatched from Rabaul toward Guadalcanal in the autumn and winter of 1942, 14% was successfully delivered to a shore collection point on the island.
Of ammunition, 18%.
Of medical supplies, 27%.
These are not battlefield figures.
These are not what reached the front-line [music] foxhole.
These are the numbers for what made it to the beach.
What reached the soldiers fighting the Marines was a much smaller fraction still.
Because the 17th Army had no trucks, no jeeps, no tractors, >> [music] >> and no fuel to run them with.
And because the island had no roads.
What trickled inland [music] was carried on the backs of men who were already starving through a jungle that had no trails under an air force that owned the daylight.
The equation the Akimaru report had calculated on paper in 1941 [music] was now being solved in mud.
Every Japanese soldier who collapsed under the banyans was a remainder in a long division that Tokyo had refused to do.
The Americans in August had produced roughly five aircraft for every one Japan [music] had produced.
The supply delivery rate on Guadalcanal was 14%.
And a man's body [music] deprived of food for 7 days in a hot climate with active exertion enters a state from which no amount [music] of Yamato spirit returns.
Multiply the ratios together and the answer was always the same.
The answer was Kashima.
Rear Admiral Raizo Tanaka commanded Destroyer Squadron 2 out of the Shortland Islands anchorage north of Guadalcanal.
He was one of the most capable surface ship officers in the Imperial Japanese Navy.
Before the war, he had written tactical manuals on night combat.
His destroyer crews were considered the best in the fleet at what they did.
In August 1942, >> [music] >> they were the best in the world at what they did.
By November, they were reduced to throwing [music] oil drums overboard in the dark.
The sequence by which a first-rate navy becomes a grocery delivery service under fire is worth walking through slowly.
Because it is the exact sequence by which the entire Japanese Pacific strategy unraveled.
The first phase began when the Cactus Air Force at Henderson Field became operational in late August.
Within 10 days of the airstrip accepting its first Marine Wildcat squadron, the airspace over the waters known as the slot, the channel running from Rabaul down through the Central Solomons to Guadalcanal, became uninhabitable for Japanese shipping in daylight.
Slow transport vessels, which required many hours at anchor to offload heavy cargo using derricks and booms, were picked apart by SBD Dauntless dive bombers the moment the sun came up.
By September, no Japanese merchant captain would [music] take a transport into the slot in daylight.
By October, the Imperial Navy stopped ordering them to try.
The second phase [music] was the Tokyo Express.
Since transports could no longer make daylight runs, and since the army on Guadalcanal needed to be fed anyway, the navy was told to use warships.
Specifically, it was told to use Tanaka's destroyers.
A destroyer is not a cargo ship.
A destroyer is a thin-hulled, fuel-hungry, torpedo-armed fleet escort [music] with a small galley, a narrow deck, and no cargo hold to speak of.
Its job is to hunt submarines and protect capital ships.
The Japanese navy now ordered Tanaka to turn his destroyers into nocturnal freighters.
The routine was almost identical every time.
Tanaka's ships would leave Shortland late in the afternoon, steam south at 30 knots through the slot, arrive off Tassafaronga or Cape Esperance around midnight, spend perhaps an hour attempting to deliver whatever they were carrying, and sprint back north before dawn to stay outside the combat radius of the Cactus Air Force.
His own men had a name for this.
They called it Nezumi Yuso.
Rat transportation.
Like rats, they ran in the dark.
And like rats, they could not run in daylight.
A destroyer's cargo capacity, even with the torpedo mounts cleared and the decks loaded, was measured in tens of tons rather than the hundreds a proper transport could deliver.
The 17th Army needed approximately 250 tons of supplies per day just to maintain basic combat effectiveness.
A Tokyo Express run of eight destroyers, if every ship reached the beach and offloaded everything, might deliver between 150 and 200 tons on a good night.
Good nights were rare.
The third phase was the drums. Even an hour at anchor off Guadalcanal was too long. Because the PT boats at Tulagi now hunted Tanaka's destroyers the way Tanaka's destroyers had once hunted American submarines.
And because the dawn always came too soon.
The Imperial Navy therefore devised a method so desperate that Tanaka himself [music] refused to pretend it was serious logistics.
Empty aviation fuel and oil drums were cleaned out, packed tightly with rice, dried fish, and a handful of medical supplies, sealed, and roped together in long, buoyant chains.
As a destroyer raced past [music] the beach at full speed in the dark, the crew would shove the chains overboard and trust that the tide would carry them ashore.
The tide did not always cooperate.
Ropes parted under the strain.
Whole chains broke loose and drifted out to sea.
>> [music] >> And when the sun came up, the Cactus Air Force came up with it.
American pilots flying from Henderson at first light learned to look for the long, dark beads of floating drums along the coastline, drop their noses, and strafe.
50-calibre incendiary rounds punched through the thin steel, ignited the contents, and sent what was left of dinner to the bottom of Ironbottom Sound. [music] Tanaka knew what he was doing.
He knew it was not working.
After the war, he wrote, with the calm bitterness of a man who had said so at the time and been ignored, "I could see that there must be great confusion in the headquarters of Eighth Fleet.
Yet the operation was ordained and underway, and so there was no time to argue about it."
>> [music] >> Read that sentence the way Tanaka wrote it.
There was no time to argue. [music] Not because the tactical situation did not allow argument, but because the command structure [music] did not allow it.
The doctrine that had shelved the Akimaru report [music] in 1941 was the same doctrine that now prevented a rear admiral at sea from telling Rabaul that throwing drums at Guadalcanal was killing his crews and feeding nobody.
Tanaka sailed the runs anyway.
His destroyers were ground down through November and December.
The 17th Army starved anyway.
The ledger filled with 14% entries [music] anyway.
Somewhere in the jungle south of Henderson, Okajima wrote in his diary that a comrade had died of a weak will.
Somewhere off Tassafaronga, Tanaka stood on a bridge and watched [music] his drums drift the wrong way in the moonlight.
Neither of them was allowed to say what both of them now knew.
January 14th, 1943, Rabaul, 8th Fleet Headquarters.
The meeting in which the Imperial Japanese Army, for the first time in the Pacific War, would [music] formally request permission to run away.
The room was hot even with the shutters open. Staff officers in pressed tan uniforms stood around [music] a map table on which the island of Guadalcanal had been drawn in heavy black ink with red marks where the 17th Army's remaining units were estimated to be.
Estimated was now the only word that applied because actual communication with the [music] forward regiments had become almost impossible.
Runners sent into the jungle often did not [music] come back. Radio sets lacked batteries. The red marks on the map were guesses that a senior staff officer had stopped being willing to defend out loud.
Lieutenant General Shuichi Miyazaki, Chief of Staff of the 17th Army, was among the men in that [music] room.
Three years later, in an interrogation cell, sitting across from an American officer from the United States Strategic Bombing Survey, he would be asked [music] to describe the mood at that meeting.
His answer, recorded in the USSBS transcripts, began with a confession about how the whole disaster had started.
"When the United States landed in Guadalcanal, we didn't know if it was big or small," Miyazaki [music] told his interrogator.
"But even in this area, the enemy was able to launch a counteroffensive."
Read the two halves of that sentence together.
We didn't know, and then the enemy was able.
It is the sound of a career officer, five years after the fact, still struggling to explain to himself how a force he had been trained to dismiss had done something he had been trained to consider impossible.
Back in the hot room in Rabaul in January 1943, the equation had become undeniable.
The reports coming out of the jungle were no longer reports of combat. They were reports of disappearance. Companies at 20% >> [music] >> regiments that could no longer stand on their own feet. Officers writing in diaries that their men were dying of weak will because they could not bring themselves to write the word starvation down on paper.
A staff officer read out the latest delivery [music] figures from the Got to Sakusen no Kikun ledger.
14% for food, 18 for ammunition.
The number was not new. The number had been 14 for weeks. What was new in that room on that afternoon was that no one at the table was any longer willing to argue that the number could be improved.
This is the moment the power loop closes. Not on the battlefield, not under fire.
In a headquarters building 900 km from the jungle among officers who had begun the campaign in August absolutely certain that the white men on the other side were too soft to fight and who now sat staring at a map they could not supply.
The decision to evacuate Guadalcanal was formalized on December 31st, 1942 and executed as Operation K >> [music] >> in early February 1943.
Under cover of a series of brilliantly executed night runs, Tanaka's destroyers doing at last something they had been built for, >> [music] >> approximately 10,600 surviving Japanese soldiers were lifted off the beaches of Cape Esperance and returned to Rabaul.
American intelligence did not realize the evacuation had occurred until it was already over.
It was in narrow operational terms one of the most successful withdrawal operations of the war.
The men who were lifted off were photographed on arrival. The photographs survive.
What the photographs show are not soldiers. What they show are skeletons in uniforms too large for them. Some of them unable to [music] stand. Most of them unable to salute. All of them staring at the camera with the particular expression of men who have understood something their general still refused to understand.
Miyazaki, interrogated in 1945, understood it.
Tanaka, writing his memoirs, understood it.
The Akimaru [music] unit, working in a quiet office in Tokyo in 1940, had understood it first. And the empire that had ordered the report burned was now itself beginning to burn.
The Guadalcanal campaign ended on February 9th, 1943, when the last organized American patrols [music] reported that there was no longer any Japanese resistance on the island.
The final ledger showed approximately [music] 30,000 Japanese troops committed, approximately 20,000 dead, and of those dead, approximately 15,000 killed by causes that in any other army would have been recorded as preventable.
The United States, in the same period, lost approximately 1,600 dead on the island itself, and several thousand more in the surrounding naval battles of Iron Bottom Sound.
It is not a small number.
It is simply, by the brutal mathematics the Akimaru report had identified 2 years earlier, a sustainable one.
>> Move it. The wider pattern held everywhere it was tested after Guadalcanal, at Buna, at New Georgia, at Tarawa, where the doctrine of spiritual invincibility met amphibious tractors and flamethrowers, at Saipan, at Peleliu, at Leyte, where the Japanese navy spent its last carriers trying to reverse a ratio that had been set in motion on the slipways of Kaiser shipyards in 1942.
At every one of these places, the Japanese soldier fought with a kind of physical courage that no serious historian has ever questioned.
And at every one of these places, his courage ran into an American supply chain it could not eat its way through.
Albert Speer, running the German war economy on the other side of the world, >> [music] >> wrote after the war that Germany had lost the war of production by the end of 1942.
The Japanese equivalent of that sentence was never written by a minister >> [music] >> because Japan's war economy never had a Speer.
It had the Akimaru unit.
And the Akimaru unit had been ordered in 1941 to shut up.
The men [music] in the jungle paid the bill.
Okajima, the diarist of weak wills, is assumed to have died on the island.
The diary was recovered from a body, though not necessarily his.
Yamamoto Kiyoichi, whose trifling wound did not bleed, was almost certainly buried where he [music] lay under a banyan whose roots have long since grown through him.
Colonel Ichiki, who refused to wait for reinforcements, shot himself on a beach where 84 years later American and Japanese veterans groups still hold a joint memorial every August.
14% That was the ratio.
That was the reason. [music] That was the equation no amount of spirit could solve.
Today, in the thick bush south of Henderson Field, which is now Honiara International Airport, small teams of [music] Japanese volunteers still walk the jungle with shovels and sifting screens.
They are looking for bones.
The Japanese government funds the recovery missions.
Veterans associations organize them.
Every year they find more.
>> [music] >> Rusted canteens, mess tins with family names scratched into the aluminum, dog tags, fragments of femur and skull wrapped carefully in white cloth and flown home to a country most of the dead men never expected not to return to.
Eight decades after the campaign ended, the Solomon Islands have still not given back all of the 17th Army.
The jungle holds them the way the sea holds the drums.
In the dark, in silence, in pieces too small to identify.
They were the soldiers of an army that had been told it did not need to read the ledger.
Today, the ledger is the only thing anyone remembers.
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