Mexican drug trafficking has expanded globally, with Mexican scientists involved in manufacturing synthetic drugs and fentanyl in Nigeria, demonstrating that organized crime operates on an international scale. This global network requires international cooperation to combat, as criminals exploit multiple countries' jurisdictions and systems. Additionally, organized crime infiltrates municipal governments through corruption, bribing public safety departments and controlling treasuries, which enables them to establish protected routes for trafficking weapons, people, and drugs.
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Dear channel audience, good afternoon to you all. I am Aminada Pérez Franco. Thank you very much for joining me on this broadcast of Thursday, May 20, 2000. 26. Uh, I'm running from the Senate of the Republic, as you know, today was the session of the Permanent Commission where the counter-reform of the judicial reform was convened, where Morena, with its votes alone, got everything passed, and well, it's the same thing.
I'll tell you about that topic because the session got intense because after the mess that happened to the Morena party members in Chihuahua, it turns out they were in this situation where, well, poor things, they had to make amends for the failure of their march in Chihuahua. So today they were, you know, Changoleón, all worked up, yelling that they're going to put Maru Campos [clears throat] and Cabeza de Vaca in jail, and well, yeah, well, now it's just pure venting from the Morena dictatorship that's incapable of even doing that, right? But anyway, the most important thing that happened in the Senate today, I'll tell you quickly, was that we had a visit in Mexico from the President of the European Council, who is the Portuguese Antonio Costa, who is the one who presides over the body where all the presidents of the member countries of the European Union, who are heads of state and government, attend.
Well, he's the one who presides over those sessions. Well, it's a yes, because he is a very, very relevant figure in European life [clears throat] and well, today he was visiting the Senate of the Republic, uh, he was received so politely by the plenary and uh, in a protocolary manner [clears throat] a speech that was answered by the president Lauritzel Castillo.
Well, nothing [clears throat] beyond the diplomatic issues, the meeting was very picturesque. In fact, uh, there was one, for example, already in the protocol part, a military band, this one was performing the Mexican national anthem and the European anthem, which is none other than [clears throat] Beethoven's Ode to Joy. So, well, that's what happened today in the Senate of the Republic. It was interesting, but well, the political agenda, well, as I said, the Morena people were there defending the stunt of having to overturn their own election and some very weak challenges from the opposition, not because [clears throat] they weren't voiced and now pointing out the inconsistency of the Morena people, but now I think the speakers lacked punch, right?
No, there wasn't a particularly outstanding speech, much less one that said anything beyond what is always said, and we just kept going over the same old things.
But anyway, that's the point, isn't it? The Morinistas dedicated themselves to, well, I insist, to making amends, accusing the opposition of always criticizing everything, since they themselves are the ones who make the mistakes and build careers and now they are going to do the same, are n't they? Next week there will be a session of the Permanent Commission on Monday, then the General Congress will be installed on Tuesday and surely that same afternoon the committees in the Chamber of Deputies will rule on that initiative. And another one that's quite dangerous, which I'll tell you about tonight on "In Perspective," but the point is that it will surely be approved between Wednesday and Thursday, first in the Chamber of Deputies and then in the Senate, so now [clears throat] it will change the election to 2028, right? And well, with all their explanation that the reforms can be improved, well, if they already messed things up, they can mess them up even more with their improvements and advances, right?
So, ultimately they legislate pure garbage, and we have to perfect the garbage they legislate, right? But that's how the Morena party operates in the legislative branch. But anyway, today I want to talk to you about three important topics. Well, apart from the fact that there are already places in the Republic where it has been decreed and companies that have already decreed that there will be 42 days of home office due to the World Cup, that is to say, [clears throat] well, in view of the disruptions that will occur, for example, here in Mexico City or in Guadalajara or in Monterrey, there are companies that are already starting to arrange for work to be remote, to be done from home, to be teleworking, and we'll see how much it affects productivity, traffic, and all that. This morning on my way to the Senate, don't you know the awful traffic on Calzada de Tlalpan when you're heading towards the Zócalo?
Because imagine, that's a fast road, the one that carries the large flow of traffic to the city center, to the Zócalo area, well, with the construction going on in San Antonio Abad past the Chavacano metro station, where they're interconnecting their so-called floating roadway and who knows what else, well, imagine they have the high-speed lane closed and then suddenly they close a lane on the sidewalk and you're all in single file, right? There's only one lane to pass through, and then all the vehicles enter. That stretch is crazy, and well, they're not going to finish it, are they? Because this project has such magnificent planning that there are parts where you can see unfinished construction, for example, all the connections towards Tlaxcala, the area where the old San Antonio Abad metro station was, the one that collapsed with the earthquakes of '85, well, it 's also unfinished.
Well, it seems that the bridge that will allow you to cross to the floating walkway in the subway area is still under construction. They won't finish it in 20 days, even working like slaves with overtime, three shifts: morning, afternoon, and night.
Well, no, but they've already painted everything, you know, with that color that, the color that, according to the head of government, Clara Clara Multada, represents the axolotls, and there was a very funny meme, right?, that someone sent that said, well, the axolotls, who are in danger of extinction, would like the money that is being spent painting the city of axolotls to be used instead to save their habitat and so that the species does not become extinct, right? Because you already know that here in Sochimilco things are very complicated with pollution and illegal fishing and a series of things that, well, anyway. But anyway, the number one topic [clears throat] has to do with the fact that tonight on the Perspective program I'm going to talk about the discovery, well, now it's one of those things that should make the fourth transformation incredibly proud, right? The fact that we have drug traffickers, export quality, right? It turns out that in Nigeria they carried out an operation against the manufacture of synthetic drugs and it turns out that among those arrested are three Mexicans who were the expert scientists in the manufacture of these drugs, as well as fentanyl. So, as technical experts, they were there working in the laboratories that were dismantled by the Nigerian government. And well, it turns out that there's really no place like Mexico, right? They were probably hearing some bow being run and they probably had their altars of green evil there and everything else you can imagine. And so, out there in the distant African regions, these boys were working, weren't they? So far I haven't seen it, but I imagine it shouldn't be long before the Mexican Foreign Ministry requests [clears throat] the extradition of these people so they can be released here in Mexico. And now they know they'll surely demand that [clears throat] the Nigerian government respect their human rights, that they not be mistreated, just like those who were protesting with Israel. You know, they immediately demanded respect for the human rights of the Mexicans who were delivering humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip, and who have already been deported.
Obviously, they were in much better conditions in Israel than even here in Mexico. But anyway, I want to see this one, what's it called?
That the foreign ministry requests their extradition because, well, they are people, they are dignified, you know that criminals must always have their human rights respected and they must be given dignified treatment, especially in an African country that the Mexican government probably thinks [clears throat] is n't very important, even though Nigeria, for example, produces more oil than Mexico, right? But that's all, just to give you a fact. So, well, this is how things are happening now with this drug trafficking export activity in Mexico, right? But anyway, the photograph of the three detainees is already on the cover of tonight's program, is n't it? The bad thing is that the soldiers don't come out much. Okay, I'll see if I can make some adjustments there so they're visible. But yes, well, now when they say, "No, what happens is that it's a matter of national sovereignty."
Nigeria's sovereignty is certainly compromised by the presence of these Mexicans, and what's clear is that it's an international business that's expanding its networks. No matter how much the Mexican government wants its isolationist policy of not letting anyone interfere or meddle in our internal affairs, and so on, it's obvious that this organized crime has a global scale. Whether they want to acknowledge it or not, the government can claim whatever it wants to maintain its pacts, its arrangements, and its "hugs, not bullets" policies with the criminals. But what's becoming clear is that Mexicans are highly qualified personnel who have to be manufacturing drugs all over the world. So, well, what can we expect in that regard, dear friends?
A second issue has to do with another facet of crime that is theoretically related, but we don't know to what extent because, as you know, since the beginning of Claudia Sheinbaum's term, the Secretary of Security, Omar García Harfush, announced that an operation with a very specific name, García Lunesco, was going to be launched. You know that García Luna loved, well, when he was Secretary of Security under Felipe Calderón, to give things names like that, or operations like what later ended up being the Michoacanazo, the Mexico Platform and that one that was like the LFBI, but then Peña Nieto destroyed it and well, you know, right? [clears throat] Those things that never get established in this country, right?
Even though they are good and it turns out that the one who made them is the bad guy. But then it turns out that in this case, Operation Swarm, as Harfus called it, has supposedly been attacking something that is a very real, very clear phenomenon, which is the infiltration of organized crime into government structures, and particularly in the case of municipal governments. The last blow this plan dealt in this, what's it called? Operation Swarm involved arresting the mayor of Atatahuacán and the former mayor of Ycapistaxta, as well as several officials from the government of the municipality of Cuautla, which is the second largest municipality in the state of Morelos. So, well, what it's talking about is that in a place very close to Mexico City and with the presence of cartels from different states, which you know was Beltrán Leyva's stronghold before he was killed during Calderón's term, and [clears throat] then there is also the influence of the cartels that come from Guerrero, the Ardillos and all those that operate in the southern areas of the state of Morelos, and also [clears throat] the spread of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, practically a national structure.
So, well, these kinds of events are related to everything that was discovered at the time when the Morena mayor of Tequila fell, who, as you know, said that he did not swear to uphold and enforce the Constitution, but that the man was El Mencho. And so, well, what we know is that these types of operations detect precisely how the structures of municipal governments have fallen into the hands of crime. In other words, the first thing they do is bribe the public safety departments. Well, all the surveillance systems that are supposedly meant to protect citizens and families end up in the hands of organized crime, and they use them almost like lookouts to monitor the movement of all the illegal activities they commit. After that, they can also take control of the treasuries and start managing the budget with criminal criteria. Even the departments that deal with other municipal revenues, such as the treasury, and the licensing areas that issue licenses for different types of businesses or construction permits, are also starting to fall into the hands of organized crime. So what we see is that they are becoming part of these networks, like the ones that were discovered after El Mencho was killed in Tapalpa.
The payroll supposedly showed that all the municipalities in Jalisco along the southern route, in the area that goes through El Grullo, El Limón, Autlán, and all this area from Zapotlán to the vicinity of Ayadit, including Mascota, Tapalpa, and San Sebastián del Oeste, were areas controlled by El Mencho. So there was no problem with drugs circulating, with those monsters passing through, those monsters that they shield in such a curious way to have the mobility of organized crime. Well, through there you can do all the trafficking you want of weapons, people, and anything else you want.
So, well, those are the things that, according to this, Harfush pulled off the coup, right? And I insist on the point that the strategies he uses remind me a lot of García Luna's, even though they say there's no more war on drugs and who knows what else, but the fact is, we'll see if they really keep making progress, right? I mean, in this case I don't want to disqualify what was done. Also, for example, you remember that at the beginning of the week I said that five drug labs had been dismantled.
Yesterday it was announced that two more were also dismantled. And well, the thing is, I haven't seen, and I'm still waiting for, the day when President Claudia Sheinbaum revokes the " hugs, not bullets" order, when the order is given to the security forces, to the armed forces, to act against crime and to protect Mexican families, and above all to combat not only drug trafficking, but also extortion, protection rackets, and human trafficking, which are, well, the biggest scourges related to organized crime. Let's see if they ever do it and say so, right? Uh, it was also announced that the Ministry of Defense rotated some of its commanders.
They say that in nine military zones they changed the commanders who were in charge, but the curious thing is that there are six states that have a high crime rate. So, as we know, these movements are obviously routine. The army is constantly rotating military commanders precisely to prevent the creation of networks of complicity or improper links with other types of forces. But the important thing here is that, precisely within the framework of everything the United States is doing to pressure Mexico and all that, that's where we're seeing these situations, right? And there's one topic I don't want to leave out, which is one I should be discussing more regularly here on this show, but sometimes the situation is too broad and I don't have the time. You remember that yesterday on the program I mentioned that the Moodis rating agency lowered the rating of the Mexican government and that we are on the verge of losing our investment grade, right? They put it at [clears throat] 3B, not B3 negative. Well, now, if the economy doesn't improve within 12 to 18 months, it will surely be the first rating agency to determine that Mexican government bonds are junk bonds, and that, well, would have terrible costs for the country in a very serious way, wouldn't it? I mentioned this yesterday, but it turns out that today the Reforma newspaper published the article about Moodis' decision, but it did so with this editorial line that seems to me to deceive and to stupefy Incaus, and it really makes me angry that there are these kinds of manipulations because, well, the article is certainly adverse and negative for Mexico. in terms of what it represents, but the way it was headlined is signed by Ricardo Carrillo, who is the reporter, but I don't know if it was him who gave the [clears throat] because many times you see that those who write are not necessarily the ones who have the idea, but many times the editors are the ones who are then writing the headline. So I don't know who at Reforma came up with the headline saying "Moodis punishes Mexico". Well no.
No, no, of course he's referring to the Mexican economy. Yes, of course it's a danger to the country if we lose our investment grade rating, yes, but what the article doesn't say, and then you read it, is that it seems like what the Fourth Transformation says, all its spokespeople, when talking about these kinds of things. The thing is, the rating agencies from neoliberal countries are the ones attacking Mexico, right? This article is attacking the government's economic policy, its errors in financial and fiscal policy, because what it says is precisely that there is an issue of uncertainty, which has to do with the fact that there is not enough income, that spending is running out, and that inflation is high.
Look, yes, they are referring to the economic environment of Mexico, yes, but the cause of this is not Mexico, it is not the people of Mexico, it is not the businessmen of Mexico. The cause of this misfortune is the Mexican government, which has this economic model of spending without growth, the economic model of populism and confronting companies and hindering economic growth, which is ultimately interfering with the economy so that there are even more distorting factors. And then it's incredible that a newspaper like Reforma, which is supposed to at least be run with criteria, right?, of the traditional press, well, I'll tell you right now about the shameful things about the daughter of the director of El Universal who is a federal deputy for Morena.
Well, I'll tell you about that part in a bit, but what a thing to do with what the Reforma newspaper did, I mean, it's truly something to point out and complain about the editorial line that is being lenient with the government responsible for all the economic disaster that is causing Moodis to lower our rating. So, that's the point, right? So how do you expect to strengthen public opinion when the news is presented to you half-digested and half- chewed with these doses of manipulation and biases that prevent you from truly seeing the facts as they are? In other words, because the fact is hiding something. The article hides the fact that the government is to blame for what is happening. It will almost certainly be the fault of Donald Trump deciding not to sign the USMCA. Ah, so there it is, and then Donald Trump decides not to sign the USMCA, and Moodis is going to lower it, he's going to say they're junk bonds, and that's not true. The blame lies within. What's happening here with the government, all the wealth that was destroyed, all the money it has consumed, which has taken away our liquidity and which makes interest rates high and money scarce, is what has slowed economic growth and that's why there are no sales and that's why there is no consumption and that's why the economy is not dynamic, because it is what concentrated the works in three large concessions to the now construction companies, friends of the government, who were the ones who built Dos Bocas and the Maya Train and the airport.
And that's why there was no work for medium and small construction companies, and that's why the industry is paralyzed, and that's why growth was only concentrated in Campeche and Quintana Roo and in some parts of the central part of the country, and there are places where the economy has been lagging for months and years because that is the economic policy that the government has made, and also that is where the attacks of organized crime are hitting hard, which the government also does not attack and which also affect the economy. So that's why when you see these kinds of articles, when you see these kinds of articles, you say, well, that kind of journalism is useless to us. That's it. If these are the ones who defend freedom of expression and say they're going to tell us what the facts are so you can find out about the country's situation by reading that newspaper, well, it turns out that with this type of article, that's not what happens at all. That's not the case at all, and I have to say so. And I must also say that the Universal not in its pages, not on its portal, but in the voice of the director's daughter, that is, the heir of the newspaper, who one day will perhaps be, if not the director, at least she will be one of the members of the Editorial Board of Administration, who is currently a federal deputy for Morena. Today the discussion began in the Senate Chamber, where the permanent session is taking place, and well, it was truly a terrible thing. If the newspaper's editorial line coincides with what Ms. Ily said on the platform where she declared, "You in the opposition will never return.
You are practically the scum of history. You are the ones who caused all the evil in Mexico.
Go on." So, a media outlet that, in theory, defends freedom of expression and pluralism and whatever else, turns out to have someone who is more rabidly supportive of Morena than many of those who later come up here to comment and stir up trouble on the program. I mean, I can understand that, well, when you're following orders, they say things to you, but look, a person who holds her position, you say, well, how is it possible that she does it publicly? Look, when, for example, Ricardo Salinas Pliego's daughter was a senator, she never took positions like that, like pointing fingers at the good guys and the bad guys and who had the right to exist and who didn't. Look, it's not the Same here. I mean, you have the issue of a responsibility to a media outlet that's supposed to represent pluralism. Look, El Universal was that for many years.
Look, I also know that the Ilio family, like all journalists, has those problems with family egos, and I remember Don Francisco, the day he was nominated for the Belisario Domínguez Medal and did n't receive it, well, he started using the newspaper as a battering ram against those he thought voted for him or those who didn't give him the award, which he believed he deserved, right? But then I can understand those human weaknesses, but when a newspaper, for example, says that the speeches Ms. Ilio gave today are worse than any you can find in those Morena newspapers, in Regeneración, or in this one, or in the, or in the, or in the, or on 4TV, or all those things that are pure propaganda, well, she was even more hateful, huh? And well, I don't know if they have that at El Universal Some kind of benchmarking, what's it called?, so they can see the effects caused by the statements of the newspaper's heiress, right? I don't know if that kind of thing aligns with the editorial line, or if we just have to accept that soon El Universal will be even worse than La Jornada, defending the Morena regime, right? Because that's where we're headed, aren't we?
If she were the one signing the editorials, just imagine what would happen, I mean, there'd be nowhere to turn, right? But anyway, that's how I'm going to be addressing the issues in some news articles that, really, like I was saying yesterday about La Jornada, about President Shemba saying she's brought peace, well, what peace, right? But anyway, we're going to be addressing these articles more often, because they're pure propaganda, they're not really, I insist, informing and shaping public opinion and encouraging readers to develop their own criteria, well, they're not.
And so, well, there's nothing we can do, because almost nobody does it. Marco Levario Turcot is the only one who usually does it, but I think that if we in civil society don't challenge editorial lines and exercise our right of reply here—because obviously if you send them a letter asking for clarification, they'll never publish it. I'm telling you from experience, because sometimes when I suddenly appeared in news reports, I complained, and they never paid any attention to me, right? So, well, that's the point: we're going to have to use this space to complain, like the other day I complained about Carlos Slim, right?
And the last topic has to do with remittances, right? Which gives this program its image. You know, you remember that when Donald Trump became president of the United States, one of the measures he took very early on was to establish controls on remittances. Remember that he imposed a tax on remittances? And well, it was part of, let's say, what they At that time, they wanted to detect, or suspected, that a significant portion of the flow or volume of remittances being sent to Mexico was actually money laundering activity for organized crime. And just because these issues aren't currently in the public eye doesn't mean they are n't working on them. It turns out that President Trump announced they're going to scrutinize the issue of remittances again, but they're going to focus on something that I think is important for Mexicans living in the United States.
Because what they're alleging is that Mexicans are using Mexican identity documents to identify themselves when they go to companies where they can make deposits and send money to Mexico.
That is, they can do it with a voter ID card, primarily, and fundamentally with what's called a consular ID, which is an identification issued by Mexican consulates to all residents there. In the United States, right?
And often it's the only form of identification, because we know there are cases where they don't even have birth certificates, they don't have any kind of documentation to prove who they are, and so the consular ID is the only instrument they have to do this kind of, let's say [clears throat], to serve as identification, like an identity document here. So, if the United States is going to start reviewing the consular IDs that are being used to send remittances, well, that has many impacts, right?
First of all, because you're going to be practically audited, in terms of not only having to prove who you are, but maybe they're going to open some kind of account file on you, etc., etc. Or the United States tax system, the SIS, I don't remember what it's called, is the one that's going to be checking you to see if you paid taxes before sending the remittances, right? They already do that to some extent, but it also relates to the fact that this will allow them to verify the legal status of those sending remittances here. And then we enter into another, more delicate problem, because ultimately it's one of the ways ISIS, or IS, or IC, as they call it, can use to find undocumented people and take all the necessary actions to deport them, to remove them from the United States, right? And these things affect the flow of dollars to Mexico. This is an issue with significant consequences. You remember when this issue of— what's it called?—imposing a tax on remittances came up, well, they plummeted. I mean, López Obrador, during his six- year term, boasted that remittances broke records and that they were a very important part of Mexico's economy, the second most important source of foreign currency, and so on.
Well, now it turns out that if Donald Trump starts to The fact that this policy is imminent—that they're going to start checking the identity documents of those sending remittances—is going to cause problems for those sending them, and that will cause remittances to drop again. They've been falling, in fact, they're at their lowest levels in many years, and with this policy, the only thing that will happen is that fewer and fewer remittances will be sent.
We'll see what the effect is on Mexico. Because remittances are already one of the indicators used here when developing general economic policy criteria. You know that a few weeks ago the government presented the preliminary criteria for 2027, and when the criteria are officially sent out around September, we'll see what the effects are that this kind of thing will be measuring, right? Added to the Moody's assessment, the USMCA, and the drop in exports.
Added to this, because the US market, which had been buying a lot earlier due to tariffs, is now adjusting inventories, some purchases of Mexican manufactured goods have plummeted. These are negative points, and although the government and the Reforma newspapers say that things here are now a punishment for Mexico by foreign rating agencies, the truth is that the country isn't reacting, and the country doesn't have a contingency economic policy, much less one to promote entrepreneurship and investment. It's all just wishful thinking and announcements like past pacts, where billions of dollars in investment have already been committed, but how are they going to arrive if the conditions aren't right? But that's how this Morena government operates, my friends. Well, with that, I'll conclude today's topics.
I insist, today there weren't as many as on other days. For example, yesterday there was a lot of information. Today these are the topics. There are also, for example, the topics of, for example, the things that Harfush had done, talking about the swarm operations that resulted in 141 arrests in five states, and all that kind of stuff is what I was mentioning. But well, that's it.
I think I'll expand on it a bit, and tonight when I do the Perspective program, which, as you know, I'll see you at 10 p.m., we'll do the complete summary for the whole week so we don't miss anything, right? Thank you very much, Dolly, for being here. She sent the message from... I was still almost leaving the Senate when she sent it [laughs]. Thank you very much, you're very kind. Likewise, Amelia, how are you? Thank you very much, as always, for your great etiquette. I really appreciate it. You're very kind. And now you're really encouraging many others to... Cooperate with the program. I really appreciate it. Uh, Noemí, how are you? Good afternoon. Yesterday's program, the Citizen Wednesday show for channel members, was great. We were talking about our experiences in public life. It turns out we've all been involved in what I called our citizen adventures, and there are all kinds of experiences, and that helps because we're going to see how we can refine that, perhaps in the courses we have to do here at the channel about how to form organizations and how to operate them, which is something that's sorely needed and that the political parties don't do, and neither do the leaders of civil society. We're going to see how we can at least create these kinds of spaces where we can share techniques and experiences and all that. I think it's very important, right? So, Doli is here now with the headset and microphone. Amelia says, "I'm fed up with the..." " Morenarcos." Well, you see, now he's in Nigeria. I mean, now it turns out that the Mexican drug cartels are operating on all five continents. You see, some who were convicted in Asia and others who were supposedly bringing the cartels to Australia, I mean, and that goes without saying in Europe, which is crystal clear. And well, in America, you know they're among the most important partners in these horrible things, right? Then, Josué Rincón, how are you? It's great to hear from you. I can finally be on a live broadcast. Well, that's great, I'm very happy. Greetings to your daughter, as always, who always sends her regards as well. It's great that you're here, and well, welcome. I'm very happy that you're on this broadcast. Then Amelia says, " Serious question," she says, "Is this World Cup in Mexico really such a big deal? Three, four lame matches and they're making a big fuss." Could this be a convenient smokescreen for the government to avoid taking responsibility?
The problem is that the World Cup is nerve-wracking. Look, I agree that there are very few matches, right? So, there are five games here in Mexico City, and I think there are four in Guadalajara and five in Monterrey, something like that. I mean, it 's actually very few games, I mean, it's not even a tenth of the matches, but everyone's going to be watching them on TV and everyone's going to be in bars and they're going to be working from home and, I mean, Mexico City is going crazy almost like it's some kind of event, right? Not even campaigns get spent as much as they are spending now, do they? And what I was telling you about today's Talpan road is that we really did just 20 minutes to go from being one block away from Tlalpan, there, uh, through the Obrera neighborhood, past the Chavacano metro station, turning around and being able to get to the underpass there on 20 de Noviembre, which was already clear because all the traffic was behind us. And well, it's an impressive thing, isn't it? And you'd see a crew there, they were digging a huge trench where the building that the government was illegally demolishing in the city had collapsed, and then further on where the Chavacano station used to be, and then the stations that are supposedly being fixed, but you can't see when they'll finish them, sometimes half the platform is closed and you have to run all over the train to get to the places in front or the back depending on which part is closed. So, you, let's see, is the World Cup really that big of a deal? And I still have to do what our friend from the audience, Iliana Rendón, asked me about, about seeing all the works that were here in Plaza de la República. Today, the truth is that I didn't have time to go there during my time in the Senate.
I had to rush to be here with you this afternoon, but the thing is, there are works that don't necessarily seem to be carried out by the government itself, right? Who knows how they're doing, right? And so, that's how things stand. She says, you see, Rosé says here that Zaira should send her regards. Yes, many greetings to you, Zaira, and also to you, José. Thanks as always for being here. Amelia says, "I'm sure those export-quality chemicals will arrive in Mexico like hotcakes, and they'll even give out independent congressional seats as prizes." Well, forget it, maybe even the mayors will convert them, right? So that it is obviously clear the narco-power that exists in Mexico, although we already know that those from Morena, well, are the main promoters of the narco-corruption. Any decent little shop, any honest way of making a living, like the corner store, or I don't know, a taco stand, or a laundromat, or a hair salon, a tortilla shop, they'd love the support that the Mexican government gives to the drug cartels, right? I mean, they wish. But in this case, the worst part is that they feel sorry for each other because today, I insist, in the chamber's gallery, apart from the lady of, well, the young Ili, the daughter of the owner of Universal, there was also the issue that, well, Chango León and Ladrón de Guevara, well, Huerta, a thief of Guevara, but more of a thief than Huerta, this one, and some others were out of control, right? It's that the drug traffickers were the ones from before, and the drug traffickers were those of Calderón and García Luna and who knows what else, and still Changoleón there, I insist, in his frustrations he said and Maru Campos and Cabeza de Vaca are going to end up in jail, and there's the video of Changoleón all worked up in the stands, right? They even brought him water to see if it would bring his temperature down a bit because he was practically trembling with anger. The opposition is saying, "Hey, they 're so inconsistent, trying to patch up their lousy judicial reform initiative that shouldn't even exist, right?" Well, then it turns out they diverted the topic and, just now, when I was looking at the Senate Gazette, they said there was a political agenda. But it wasn't a political agenda; it was the presentation of Claudia Sheinbaum's initiative to overturn the election she herself sent, which she sent incorrectly, and which they approved without reading it. And next week they're going to approve it again without reading it, you'll see. It's going to be fast track. Do you think the extraordinary session is going to last like a few ordinary sessions? No way, man, they're going to rush it through as quickly as possible. And that's how they're going to do it. So, Fabiola Antiveredos, how are you? Uh, Fabiola, good afternoon. She says, I mean, they arrested mayors who were involved with drug traffickers, but the governor didn't know. I'm referring to Cuauhtémoc.
Remember that certain photo with some drug traffickers and everything? Morena defended him. Well, they defend Cuauhtémoc from everything. Look, if you have a pre-Columbian name, like, to give you an example, if your name is Bautemoc and you're from Morelos, or if your name is Cuitláhuac and you were from Veracruz, or if you're Moctezuma and you were ambassador in Washington, I mean, whatever, obviously nothing will happen to you, they're not going to do anything to you, because I think they're accomplices here in the government, right? If you're Itlali, well, they're going to send you more food, right? Um, what else do you like? Um, Sochil, well, they have n't liked her, have they? Although there's also a Sochil here in Talpan, well, why tell you how the Morena party members treat her, right? But yes, the thing is, in this case, that's how the Morena party members operate, right? I insist, today, completely avoiding the issue of the challenge that you're making a fool of yourselves with your reform, the ones who came up were the senators and representatives saying, "It's that the opposition, we're going to, we 're perfecting the law, I mean, perfecting the destruction of the judicial power according to them, but well, that 's the issue. The only one who was like that, like she's fundamentalist and virulent and, well, like that, because yes, in her case she is very crazy, is this senator from Guanajuato, Malu Mitcher. She did get on board because of the other initiative that I didn't tell you about that President Shemb sent, according to her, or rather, her interpretation, no, I didn't read it that way, but that's practically what she's saying, is that what happens is that in the states of the Republic they legislate as if the Federal Constitution didn't exist and as if the national legal order didn't exist. And that's why we can't allow the states to do whatever they want, but from here, from the center, we're going to make the law so that everything that's approved at the federal level has to be done at the local level.
Well, Mrs. Mitcher has a rather nice federalist vision, doesn't she? And if she is already a rabid feminist, one of those who commits intrauterine genocide. Well, but here it has also been revealed that he wants to carry out the legislative genocide. It's almost as if one of these days he's going to promote, he's going to propose that local congresses disappear so that everyone legislates at the federal level and the problem is solved, because that's what they want, right? So, how is it possible, for example, that there are cases in places governed by the opposition, like Coahuila, Querétaro, or Aguascalientes, where the laws don't necessarily turn out the way the Morena party wants? Well, they don't even accept that, I mean, everything has to be the way they say, and if not, it can't be done.
But that's the situation. Then Dolly says, "Better late than never, this is where the housework ends." Well, it's great that you're listening to us as always, my dear Dolly, it's very nice to greet you, isn't it? And then he says that today he was going to push the missing law on audience rights to reform Article 41.
Censorship is coming to social media and the press. Well, look, they can try, but it's not that easy, is it? Because there, yes, there are, you see, just like Reforma says that Moodis attacks Mexico, well, there are other kinds of spaces where they won't be able to do this kind of censorship so easily, right? I mean, don't think that's all there is to it, that's the issue, right? And you're worried about what we'll do to find out where we can go, well, look, the truth is that building this quickly or these kinds of spaces, if for example they were to restrict them, it would be a terrible thing if they were covering all that up.
I think it would generate a lot of outrage, but if not, then we also have to build alternative means, right? I mean, in fact, it's one of the things I criticize the PAN for, I don't understand why there isn't an alternative PAN media outlet now that there's so much technology available so that it could, well, I'm not even saying it should do propaganda, because it would be good if it did, right?
But at least so that he could establish his position, so that he would know what they are thinking about the issue of security, about the issue of the economy, about the issue of the environment, about the issue of the destruction of democracy. Well, that would be a good thing, wouldn't it? And that's why we have to be the ones to take up the banners they've abandoned, right? And well, it is a topic, isn't it? And Luis also says that he was watching, let me see, I haven't left yet. I was watching MBS this morning with Luis Cárdenas, and he responded to one of the WhatsApp messages he receives, saying that Mexico is not going to be like Cuba or Venezuela. I don't know if he's stupid or innocent. Well, we don't know. I mean, Mexico is like Mexico, and in Mexico, well, if you compare Mexico with what the military dictatorships in Latin America were, which were very barbaric, very repressive, and murderous and all that, there was indeed a dirty war there, but here in Mexico the dirty war started in the 90s, because when it was the PRI's fight against the guerrillas it was something else. Yes, there were clashes and deaths. Look, they always talk about Lucio Cabañas and Genaro Vázquez and I do n't know what else, but most of those who were guerrillas like Ángel Verdugo, like Rechi, uh, what's his name? Who else am I missing? This is Gustavo Iales himself. Well, they're alive and they're telling you about it, which means they weren't massacred like Chen, Bolivia, or whatever. So, the issue is that Mexico did some things worse than South America in terms of social controls and media controls. He institutionalized them, and since there was no dictator here because the dictatorship was of a party, then the wear and tear was less. I mean, and remember that the PRI members played that whole game of illusions, saying, "Oh, when the new president comes out, Echeverría is going to be better than Díaz Ordaz," and he turned out worse, and López Portillo is going to be better than Echeverría, and he turned out worse, and Miguel de la Madrid, and so on, they just kept getting worse, right? So that's the issue, is n't it? Then Luis also says that Susena Uresti has already sold out to the Morena cartel and at her batting cage she is attacking Maru Campos and the PAN party, and she has already accepted bribes at her dinner. Well, look, I don't know if that's the reason. Sometimes the PAN does so many things that even I criticize them. And I'm from the PAN party, right?
But, I mean, the thing is that many times you have to say things as they are, and not everyone likes being criticized, right? Look, you realize, I didn't see him say that to Sucena, eh, I'm telling you. In other words, I'm talking about lives here. I hardly follow Sucena, but let me look to see what she said and you'll immediately figure out when it's an order or when it's her own opinion because she also has opinions, right? So, when you give your opinion, you give your opinion and well, you can suddenly say I liked this, I didn't like this, well that's perfectly valid.
But you realize, for example, that time when Ricardo Anaya was with the third-grade students or Sochil, you realized that they went for their jugular, so furious and angry, and were arguing with them. And when she was on the same program, in that same campaign, López or later Claudia, well, meek and oh yes, I mean, hey, la la la Denise Merkel without interrupting, right? The thing is, you can't go to an interview with her because the moment you want to start answering, she keeps talking and then she's the one who says everything and never lets you speak, right?
That you be the guest. Well, that's not journalism, that's media savagery they use, isn't it? So she's very wild, and there are several like that, right? So, but I hope they're not going to say it's gender-based political violence. This is my opinion of the way she conducts her programs, which is very, very offensive.
This little girl, by the way, I ran into her one day outside Televicentro on Chapultepec Avenue, right? But let's say the thing is, if at your dinner party you suddenly say things like that, maybe in a favorable way, other times you say negative or critical things, well, that's fine. I believe that journalists should be critical, they shouldn't be complacent, I mean, and they would betray their journalistic essence if they become complacent, but I'm going to look for it. Furthermore, if you could tell me in the comments which program or what day it was on, I can look it up and make it easier, right? Just to check where what you mentioned is, just to verify what the topic is, right? Then Noemí says, "It was good, I had to mention it, but thank you very much for the space." No, well, thanks to you. The Wednesday citizen space, from the channel members, belongs to us, to all of us who make up this community. And the truth is that, apart from getting to know each other and sharing experiences and all that, we also share information with each other, which is very important, is n't it? That's right, that's the thing, isn't it?
But very good, thank you Noemí. Yes, yesterday's program was good, and we weren't going to do it because we plan to do it on Saturdays, but this coming Saturday we can't because there's going to be a meeting. So, we'll see where it is; it's possible we'll end up doing it on Wednesday and Saturday, because if the community is growing, I hope many of you will become channel members, so you're obviously invited to participate. It's a Zoom meeting that I'm sending the private link to, for those who have shared their contact information with me so they can join, and then it's also streamed here on YouTube, but it's only for those of us who are members. So, well, if anyone wants to join, they would be welcome, and it's just a matter of us getting in touch so I can invite them directly.
Antonio Acevedo, uh, how are you, Antonio? Nice to meet you. Good afternoon. Hey, Francisco Javier Moreno, how are you? Um, he says, "Good afternoon.
Honestly, I don't plan on watching the games. I'd rather go to the stadium and avoid all the chaos Monterrey is going to cause.
Wow, the bad thing is it's really hot, and we'll see how it goes at the stadium. But look, there are people who aren't, who aren't, who aren't, well, how [clears throat] can I put it? Look, there are a lot of people who do n't like soccer. I do like it, but there's a difference between liking it and being obsessed with watching the games. I mean, there are people who watch the game and the replays morning, noon, and night, and who are glued to the opinion programs, I mean, they're absorbed. There are people like that, and well, they have the right to do it. It's a whole culture that's often not talked about, and there are people who, on the contrary, find it repugnant, annoying, and bothersome. There's a friend here in the audience who's a member of the Vero Olvera channel who says Well, she can't stand soccer, right? And at home they watch soccer for her, and she just can't get enough of it. But it's a matter of everyone being different, and well, everyone can tune out, right? Because, I insist, it's going to be six weeks, let's see how we do here on the channel. I don't doubt the audience because I know that, first of all, there will be news and there will be interest, and it's not all about soccer, right? I mean, but the thing is, I think it could be like during Holy Week when there wasn't much of an audience, because everyone also has the right to some leisure time, to disconnect a little. Or what happens at the end of the year, at Christmas, New Year's, etc., we all need a break sometimes, a rest, and in this case, if the World Cup can help you relax and focus on other things that might be more important to you, then I think it's excellent, right? I mean, it's perfect. That's great. And And we're going to see the chaos that Monterrey is going to cause, but it's only going to be on game days; the other days are normal, nothing's going to happen, right? Then, Fernando Soto, how are you? Fernando says, "The crime was committed in Mexico, and in Mexico, institutions pay for it."
And he says, "There's a reference to the country's history, the Military Court, the fact that he was fused with Maxiliano's second surname proved it." Well, look, there are times and there are things that have to do with it. Let's see, you have other comments here.
He also says, just to understand the reflection, he says, "In the World Council, it was shown that the laws are dictated or reminded to them by civil authorities, and this Trump support was a very zero and inconsistent job." Trump uses global health, fentanyl, and global security as his banner for his work. Well, look, I've never commented on this in other forums, but given your comments, I'm going to say it.
Personally, I don't like Donald Trump's way of acting; I find him very arrogant. However, the things he's been doing seem to me to be more good than bad. I can definitely agree that he's eliminated all the underhanded promotion of the W culture. I agree with that. I agree that he's eliminated the hypocrisy of the United Nations, which was supposedly a charitable organization when in reality it was full of opportunists. I agree that he's cut US funding to all these groups that promote anti-globalization policies, which are often enemies of freedom. I agree with that, but I don't agree with his arrogant strategies. I don't agree with him bombing countries. I don't agree with... I agree. I can agree, for example, that he ousted Maduro, but I don't know how things are going to go.
Let's see if the situation with Cuba is the same now that he's accusing Raúl Castro. So, in short, let's see, when he was elected president, back when this channel didn't exist yet, on Cena de Grillos (Cricket Dinner), I remember Irving was there, Octavio was there, and Fer was there, and I think Bogus was there too. That day we had the whole panel. So, I was saying, "Look, the difference between Trump in his first term and the current one is that before he was a rabid dog and now he's the exterminator, right?" I mean, because now he knows all the moves as president and has been very effective in the time he has been in this second term, as he has not wasted a day in doing things when at the beginning he was caught up in the fight with those in Congress and the impeachment and Stormy Daniels and I don't know what. Well, then the four was very trapped and now you see him like a fish in water and he knows it and he also has more support than before because before he didn't have all the power in the United States Congress, today he does and I don't know if that's good or bad, because the only thing that stopped him there was the Supreme Court that canceled the tariffs. You see, we've had six months without tariffs worldwide thanks to what the US Supreme Court did, which is the same thing the Supreme Court here would have done if López Obrador hadn't destroyed it, right? with that reform of the judicial branch. So, those are the things I see, Fernando. So, we have to value it, right? In other words, I insist, in a man as powerful as him, who represents the political power, the economic power, the military power of the world, well, he has light and dark sides and everything must be seen objectively. But I insist, I believe that if we are objective, that is, and beyond what I think about him, which I insist, I do not like, but this but has been more good, what is changing, I think, for the better in the world. I think so, don't you?
What worries me is the risk of wars, the risk of violence and polarization, and that he uses supremacism to say that Mexicans are thieves, rapists, and murderers, and that we are there illegally.
That really bothers me, it makes me really angry, but oh well, that's a problem with the criteria I use, right? But despite that, he has done things that are changing the world, and that is something important that should be done, isn't it? And then, uh, Brasilia, how are you?
Thank you so much. No, well thanks to you for being there in the members' program, it was very, very good. Then Luis Lara says, "He will be leading Mexico towards a socialist military leadership." No, I think it's more likely that we'll fall into chaos. It's easier because I don't see Mexico as having a military structure capable of creating a power. I mean, I don't see the military staging a coup, I don't see it. So, a military dictatorship here in Mexico is something that has not been experienced. Let's see, since, let's see, the last military president who didn't act like a military man and didn't act like a dictator, well, that was General Avila Camacho, right? Before Lázaro Cárdenas and the one who had been at war, there was Don Porfirio, who in the end did dress in military attire, but there were no more wars, right? The revolution was something else entirely, wasn't it? And those who came to power in the revolution were not military personnel. Victoriano Huerta, perhaps the usurper, yes, but those who followed were ranchers who called themselves generals, weren't they? And Carranza was a civilian who was a lawyer and governor of Coahuila, right? So, I don't see Mexico heading towards a dictatorship, towards populist leftist chaos. I can see that one, right? That 's the situation. And then Luis Lara says that the topic of what he said to Sucena was in today's debate table with Dorin Gibrán and the zero votes. Okay, okay. That's great, I think it's very good. Then Doli says that we are in the incident. Yes, well, Octavio, I had already told him on Monday that I wasn't going to be at the dinner or with the dissidents, so, well, it seems he could n't resolve the issue of having someone accompany him, and I'm very sorry about that, but that's how it goes, right? And then Fernando Soto, there are two comments that I'm going to skip, Fer says, "My boss is just as demanding." Exactly.
Another thrombus overtime 80 per week.
Sadly, with entrepreneurs, you pay, he adopts. A son in a human house drank it and says Trump is not a murderer. No, I didn't say he was a murderer. AND. No, no, no, no. Okay, okay, one thing.
Okay, how can I explain this to you?
Uh, Trump may have his problem with abusing power, with being a real estate negotiator who likes to pull tricks. Uh, Trump can give the order for the US military forces to mobilize and that could have bombing consequences. Look, I 'm not saying he's a murderer. Let's see, in the case of the United States, let's see, even the abuses of ICE that are documented when they were chasing diabes, those that happened in Minnesota and all those were provocations of the same anti-Trump people who went there, they almost immolated themselves there, they put themselves in that position. I mean, let's see, maybe it's because of decisions Trump has made, but Trump like that, let's see, like a murderer, let's see, murderers in power, well, let's see, from front to back, I mean, you can have Maduro, Chávez, who did repress the Venezuelans, Díaz Canel and the Castros who did the same with the Cubans, Daniel Ortega who does it in Nicaragua and you have this other one, Evo Morales, who in Bolivia didn't have a soft hand either. And then afterwards if you go to other, to other ends of the world, this, well, what happened in this, what's it called? Well, in this game that Orbán lost in Hungary, well, there's a moment where you also say, "Wait for me." And then those who went to the Balkans, listen, what's happening in Haiti, I mean, all that, well, there are murderers there, and they are paramilitary murderers, and those who were in some way part of the government who caused that. And then you have the tragedy that is happening in Congo and Chat, I mean, it's not just Ebola, but much more serious things that have to do with the civil war and that are being massacred there. Or for example, right there in Nigeria, I just remembered that in Mexico, well, those guerrillas from Boco Haram, what's it called?, kidnapped girls there to have them as sex slaves. You say, "Hey, wait for me." Look, I agree that we can put murderers there and you can almost count how many they kill. Trump, come on, no, no, no.
Trump is not a murderer. I agree with you on that. And well, now this is also one last comment you've made, I'm going to finish.
Dice pas entradas ventajas pueden lación el norte de México por fid un proyecto inmenso después de 30 años.
He said it's not the right time. Lázaro Cárdenas fulfilled his promise to pay the peasantry. Well, Lázaro Cárdenas was the one who ruined the Mexican countryside when he collectivized it and created it as an elite. That's where the large-scale production that was done on what were called Porfirian haciendas ended, which were nothing more than stealing land, just like the liberals stole church property, right? Hey, Alfonso Armas, how are you? This, you've already reached the final part of the program, my dear Alfonso. It's great that you arrived like this to say hello. With this, I conclude my comments for today.
Thank you all very much for your presence this afternoon. I'll be waiting for you tonight at 10 pm right here on Perspectiva, where we're going to do a full summary of the week. Tomorrow at 7 pm, after the opinion program that I do at this same time, I'm going to do a special program that I want to tell you about because it's called and in fact it's already done. Right now, if you see it here, go to the channel and you'll see the live shows coming soon. It's a program called The Conspiracy of Silence. In that program I'm going to tell you about a very personal experience because I want that program to serve as a launchpad for the content I'll be doing during the World Cup, which I do n't think will be very busy. So, I'm going to be recording the programs that have to do with biographies, authors, and bibliographies. I'm going to take that dimension of the channel that already has some content. As you can see, there's the biography of Maquío, there's Manuel Gómez Morín's 1915, there's the day María Elena Álvarez de Vicencio died, that is, people who are figures that I consider important.
So I'm going to do that part, but I have to explain the approach of why I'm going to do it the way I'm going to do it. Because here in Mexico, when I wrote my second book, the one called Who are the PAN? which were the biographies of the PAN members. I came across a phenomenon like the one we 've mentioned and that has been mentioned a lot, for example, with Díazuso, which I'm going to talk about on Tuesday's program. Imagine that here in Mexico, by decision of the revolutionaries of the post-revolution of Lázaro Cárden, which Fernando is telling us about right now, imagine that what they did was that when I started looking for the biographies of the founders of the PAN, which was the objective of my book, you would find first that they didn't exist in the compilations in the Encyclopedia of Mexico or in the Porrúa dictionary or in the books of biographies that are here from the Mexican Revolution and all that. Because they were members of the PAN party, they're not being put in place, that's one reason. Or if they include them because they are so important that they cannot be omitted, then they erase all their participation in the PAN. Pretend they do n't exist. So it's very rare to find someone who is recognized as both a citizen and a member of the PAN party.
So, I want to highlight that aspect, not because they are members of the PAN party, but because they are humanists. And there are very important cases, just to give you two of them, which are biographies that I will soon be publishing. One, I already mentioned it here on one of Dr. Bernardo Gastel's programs.
Dr. Gastelum was such an important and exemplary Mexican that when he started in Chihuahua, in the Tarahumara mountains, doing vaccination work against smallpox, that was around 1926-28, he still found time to pay for the magazine of the contemporaries, where Carlos Pellicer wrote, and, what's his name again?, all those poets that López Obrador likes, like Javier Villaurrutia and all of them, imagine that Dr. Gastelum was the one financing the magazine. Well, it turns out that when the World Health Organization was founded, after the Second World War had ended, they told him about, what's it called? From the WHO, based in Geneva, he traveled all over the world. And then the vaccination strategies that he applied in Mexico during those campaigns that began in the Sierra Tarahumara, which were the sanitary cordon and the vaccination records and checking that everyone received their doses. So, that was implemented worldwide, and thanks to it, smallpox was eradicated globally in 1973.
That's a universal contribution from a Mexican doctor who they never mention was a member of the PAN party because, obviously, that part is hidden by the conspiracy of silence, right? And another one like him was Don Pedro Zuloaga, another Chihuahuan.
Dr. Gastelum was from Sinaloa, but Don Pedro was from Chihuahua, and he was a scientist, also a science communicator. But since he wasn't Ignacio, I mean, he wasn't this Vallarta, who was the PRI's favorite for science communication, he was never recognized.
But it turns out that Pedro Zuloaga was at the University of Munich and worked with Albert Einstein.
And when Einstein had to leave Germany, persecuted by the Nazis for being Jewish, it was Don Pedro Zuluaga who brought back the laboratory tests from the University of Munich that prevented the Germans from developing the atomic bomb in World War II, for example, right? Among other things.
And there is a letter because later here, as Don Pedro Suruaga wrote in the magazines that these people from the academy are talking about, saying that he said that the right wing and then they have him stigmatized there. There is a section in an article he published in the magazine La Nación called "This Retired Einstein." I think I'll even read that one the day I do the program about Dr. Pedro Zuluaga. Imagine him saying, "It's incredible that Einstein, after the theory of relativity, which he's lived off of his whole life, because that was his brilliant discovery, now says he's ungrateful to Germany, which gave him everything. Germany provided the framework for his research and allowed him to be the director of the Physics Institute at the University of Munich, and all that. And then he says, 'But, but, but if I were against this despicable Nazi government in Germany, I would agree.' But being against the Nazis is one thing, and being against Germany is another. That's what Don Pedro wrote. So, that's what I'm going to revisit, dear friends. Now I'll tell you about these parts because I really want to talk about these biographies, these authors, and these bibliographies, which, for example, you might remember, our dear friend Luis Lara wanted to discuss yesterday."
Asking about liberalism, well, I have to do those programs for you all, and I'll be uploading them. So tomorrow at 7 PM, I invite you to join me for a program I'm calling "The Conspiracy of Silence," about how revolutionary nationalism tried to hide Mexican humanists, and how we refused to be silenced. They won't be able to silence us, even if they censor us and do whatever they want. Thank you, friends. I'll see you later on Perspective. Until then. Good afternoon.
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