Trump Wants Pakistan to Recognise Israel. Why It's a Huge Problem For Munir? | Firstpost Live | N18G

Hinzugefügt: 2026-05-26

[00:00:00]President Trump has thrown Pakistan into a diplomatic dilemma. As part of the deal to end the war with Iran, the American president has suggested he wants a group of Muslim majority countries including Pakistan to join the Abraham Accords. These are the agreements that require formal recognition of Israel. But for Islamabad, that demand cuts against decades of official policy, public opinion, and against the very narrative under which it refuses to recognize Israel without the settlement of Palestinian question. So, how does a country that is helping mediate between Washington and Thran respond to a demand it has spent generations rejecting? At first glance, Trump's proposal sounds simple. He wants more Muslim countries to normalize relations with Israel just as the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan did under the Abraham Accords. In a lengthy truth social post, Trump said it should be mandatory for countries including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey to sign onto the accords as part of a wider regional settlement with Iran. He even warned that countries unwilling to do so should not be part of the deal. But for Pakistan, this is not just a foreign policy question. It is a question of national identity. For 78 years, Pakistan has refused to recognize Israel. Every government, whether military or civilian, has kept essentially the same position. Pakistan maintains that there can be no recognition of Israel until there is a just settlements of the Palestinian question on a Palestinian state. In fact, the position is written into something millions of Pakistanis carry every day, their passport. Pakistani passports have long stated that they are valid for travel to all countries of the world except for Israel. That single line symbolizes a policy that has survived wars, schools, elections and changes of government. So when Trump says Pakistan should join the Abraham Accords, he is asking Islamabad to cross a red line. It has never officially crossed and Pakistan's leaders have already made their position clear.

[00:02:04]Foreign Minister Ishachagda recently said there is no change in policy and that Pakistan is not ready to recognize Israel until a two-state solution is accepted.

[00:02:16]We are not ready to recognize Israel until the two-state solution to the Palestine conflict is accepted. There is no change in our stated policy on the Palestine issue. Let it be clear to everyone that our seven decades long policy remains unchanged.

[00:02:33]But the story gets even more interesting because Trump's own social media post offered another glimpse into how Washington sees power in Pakistan. When listing the leaders, he said he had spoken to Trump named Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman, Turkish President Rishapa Ardugan, Jordan's King Abdullah and others. But from Pakistan, he did not mention Prime Minister Shabba Sharif. He mentioned only Field Marshall Aimuner. To many observers, that was another reminder of a long-standing reality in Pakistan. The country has an elected government, but on critical questions of national security and foreign policy, the military ultimately calls the shots. But even that does not solve the problem. Because the biggest obstacle to recognizing Israel is not just government policy. It is public sentiment. The pro Palestinian sympathies run deep inside Pakistan.

[00:03:25]During the Israel Gaza war, tens of thousands of people attended pro Palestinian rallies across the country.

[00:03:31]The issue cuts across political and ideological lines as well. Religious parties supported, mainstream political parties supported, and large sections of the public view Palestinian as a moral and religious cause.

[00:03:49]The pain of oblivation stopight stopight.

[00:04:04]>> In fact, after the killing of Hamas leader Yaya Svar, funeral prayers in absentia were held in Pakistan.

[00:04:20]Allah.

[00:04:39]So this is what makes the current moment so complicated. On one hand, Pakistan is attempting to position itself as a useful diplomatic player. It has been involved in efforts to reduce tensions between the United States and Iran. But on the other hand, moving towards recognition of Israel could trigger a massive political backlash at home, face resistance from religious groups, from opposition parties, and from a public that has been told for decades that support for Palestine is a matter of principle. So Pakistan now finds itself caught between two worlds. It is close enough to Washington to be trusted as a mediator yet too constrained by its own history, its politics and public opinion.

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