Vietnam's President To Lam warned at the Shangri-La Dialogue 2026 that the world faces three converging crises: a crisis of international order where rules lose binding power, a crisis of development models where globalization's benefits face new constraints, and a crisis of strategic confidence where mistrust leads to escalation. He proposed six solutions: making laws and dialogue effective risk mitigation tools, creating an ASEAN-centered regional structure, placing human security at the heart of sustainable security, establishing responsibility standards for new technologies like AI, strengthening social foundations and information space protection, and enhancing preventive diplomacy capabilities.
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FULL SPEECH: Vietnam's President To Lam Warns of Global Crisis at Shangri-La Dialogue 2026 | AC1GHinzugefügt:
Shangrila dialog is that was born 25 years ago and the first meeting was convened just a year later in 2002.
Throughout this time the ISS has enjoyed the unwavering and exceptional support of the government of Singapore for which I am very grateful.
At its core, the Shangrila dialog is a platform for governments to find common purpose to focus on the security challenges that trouble the region to imagine solutions and to generate the will to pursue them together.
Ach this is hard at the best of times as the ISS Asia Pacific Regional Security Ass which was published earlier todays out these are not one would call the best of times in fact the pace the scope and the intensity of security challenges has increased and governments have to direct evergowing attention to their effects and strategic implications di forum can differen of perception and approach can discuss environment where transparency can build for understanding each other and for engagement and where the impact of advanced technology on international security and conflict can be understood these are the goals of the pursuits across the region summits here in Asia in Singapore or in Europe where we will convene the PO defense summit in the Czech Republic in September or indeed in the Middle East where we will meet at the end of October and the kingdom of Bahrain for the Manama dialog with the global security and innovation summit we will run in December in Hamburg Germany we also provide a forum dedicated to the intersection of technology innovation and security And this evening we are privileged to hear from his excellency to the general secretary of the communist party of Vietnam and president of Vietnam. His keye address at the Shangrilla dialog comes at a time of enormous turbulence and heightened uncertainty the consequences of which are felt around the world. Vietnam is emerging as a strategic actor and we are all looking forward to hearing from you Mr. President and learn how Vietnam might work together with partners for greater stability security and prosperity in the Asia Pacific and beyond. His excellence to was reelected as general secretary 14th national congress of the communist party of Vietnam in January this year and in April he was elected as president of Vietnam.
Vietnam step further Vietnam foreign and security policy choices in these complex times has already stated an ambitious agenda of economic growth and has set a target for Vietnam to become a high income developed country by 2045 his diplomat agenda and travels this year has included important visits to Laos, to Cambodia, to the US, to China, to India, to Sri Lanka and to Thailand and he will have another stop after his visit here. So this will continue.
Vietnam celebrates its 30th anniversary as an ASEAN member last year having joined in 1995.
Vietnam's defense ministermurated point here in the setting of the shangrust of major powers and can build on the support across and certain that the keye addressed this evening at the dialog will be an important moment to continue to give shape to the international ambitions of Vietnam under your leadership Mr. President president will deliver his remarks in Vietnamese. You have interpretation devices at your seats if you need them. So now is a good moment to turn those on. Following the speech uh we will have time for a small number of questions from the audience which we will group and I encourage you to think of points you would like to raise and we will make a microphone finds you.
Hum.
[clears throat] Mr. Laura Swang, Prime Minister of the host country, Singapore.
Dear Dr. Sanic, Director General of the Institute for Strategic International Studies.
Ladies and gentlemen, first of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Government of Singapore and the International Institute for Strategic Studies for giving me the honor of speaking at the opening session of this important forum.
Over the past two decades, the Sangrilla Dialogue has become a leading forum for regional security dialogue, where nations share perspectives, listen attentively, and seek responsible approaches to peace, stability, and development.
We meet at a time when the world is facing increased risks and uncertainties, greater connectivity but also greater vulnerability.
Technology is more advanced but carries a greater risk of abuse; interdependence is deeper but also more easily turned into a tool for coercion.
While nations speak of peace, stability, and cooperation, the strategic environment is marked by growing mistrust, fragmentation, and uncontrolled competition.
Therefore, what we need to agree upon and implement is a common, minimum, and essential vision to ensure peace, trust, and development for humanity in the 21st century.
At the same time, we must enhance our capacity to prevent crises early and proactively, because reality shows that many major crises often begin with unresolved misunderstandings, misreading of signals, and failure to activate preventative mechanisms in a timely manner.
In that spirit, I would like to share my thoughts on proactively building peace, stability, and development in a volatile world.
Ladies and gentlemen, change is a constant state of the world, but whether change leads to conflict or becomes a driving force towards peace is a strategic choice for nations and the international community.
Looking at the world today, I believe that the current instability reflects three fundamental crises that are unfolding simultaneously and impacting each other.
These are crises of international order, crises of development models, and crises of strategic confidence.
First and foremost is the crisis of international order. The international order is not immutable. A just order can adapt to reflect the changing world.
But all adjustments must take place through laws, dialogue, sharing, and self- restraint, not through coercion, imposition, threats of force, or creating a state of complacency. The crisis of international order begins when rules are still mentioned but their binding power diminishes.
When commitments are still declared, but actual actions erode those very commitments.
When the fundamental principles of international law are interpreted in a subjective and arbitrary way, are inconsistently enforced, or are prioritized over a mindset that favors the use of might to overpower the weaker party.
In such an environment, countries, especially small and medium-sized countries, face pressure to choose phases, and coercion in terms of economics, technology, finance, and security.
At the same time, interconnected spaces such as seas and oceans, cyberspace, supply chains, digital infrastructure, and data cables are at risk of becoming competitive spaces.
Recent tensions along strategic shipping lanes in the Middle East indicate conflict at a single flashpoint. This could quickly impact trade, energy, logistics, and the socio-economic life of many other regions globally.
Secondly, the crisis in development models over the decades, globalization, trade, investment, technology, and supply chain connectivity have created enormous development opportunities for many countries, including developing countries.
But these very same drivers are now facing new constraints, including slower growth, rising public debt and capital costs, and climate change threatening the livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people.
New technologies open up great opportunities but also create new gaps.
Trade, finance, tariffs, energy, food, data, and technology are at risk of being used as tools of pressure.
For many countries, development is not a secondary option, often relegated to a secondary position after security. Development is the foundation of sustainable security.
If the development process is disrupted, if developing countries have their opportunities to rise shrinking, then economic instability can easily translate into social and political instability, and even strategic uncertainty.
Third is a crisis of strategic confidence.
This is a silent but dangerous crisis because it makes countries more likely to view each other's actions through a lens of suspicion and insecurity.
When trust erodes, a defensive move can be interpreted as provocation. A difference of interest can escalate into a confrontation. A minor incident can trigger a spiral of reactions if there is a lack of dialogue, communication, and self-restraint.
Strategic trust is not about eliminating differentiation or denying competition. The key is to govern differentiation within a legal framework, making competition limited, responsible, and predictable.
A sustainable regional order cannot be built on constant fear and mutual distrust.
New technologies are making this challenge increasingly complex. Big data, artificial intelligence, cyberspace.
Quantum technology, automated systems, and digital infrastructure both expand the capacity for higher-level development and can amplify suspicion, manipulate information, shorten decision-making times, and increase the risk of miscalculation.
As technology outpaces human laws and control, strategic stability becomes more fragile.
Therefore, overcoming a crisis of trust requires a strategic framework for building strategic trust that includes rapid incident response channels, transparency, dialogue, sharing, substantive information to minimize misunderstandings, clear codes of conduct to prevent conflicts, and robust technological standards to ensure that people always retain ultimate responsibility for decisions with serious security consequences.
Ladies and gentlemen, the three crises mentioned above are clearly converging in the Asia- Pacific region.
This is a dynamic growth center of the world, but also a place of intense strategic competition. While it's a vital shipping lane, it also harbors many potential risks at sea. This region has benefited greatly from globalization but is facing direct pressures from supply chain fragmentation, climate change, technological transformation, and new geoeconomic competition.
Because it is a region where challenges converge, the Asia-Pacific is also the birthplace of solutions. This region shares common interests in peace, connectivity, and development; possesses experience in multi-layered cooperation; has ASEAN as a framework for dialogue and balance; and has sufficient motivation and determination, not to compete. Instead of turning into a confrontation, we must prevent connecting routes from becoming dividing lines, and prevent one country's security from becoming another's insecurity.
From that perspective, I would like to share some directions for jointly building a peaceful, stable, and resilient Asia-Pacific region capable of mitigating risks early and from afar.
First, we must make laws and dialogue effective means of mitigating real risks. The SIA dialogue is a forum where countries listen to each other, clarify intentions, seek common ground, and manage differences.
But dialogue should not stop at stating positions. Dialogue must help identify risks early, share information, maintain communication channels during times of tension, and prevent differences from escalating into crises. The rules-based order does not belong exclusively to any one group of nations, but is a common foundation for large, medium, and small countries to coexist peacefully on the basis of international law and a constitutional framework of interconnected nations.
Respect for independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity; refraining from the use or threat of force; and resolving disputes through peaceful and equal means between nations.
Laws are only effective when they are consistently enforced and translated into concrete mechanisms such as early warning systems, emergency communication, incident response, self-restraint, and verifiable cooperation.
This is especially important for seas and oceans. The seas and oceans are resources, shared spaces, and the lifeblood of global trade, energy, food, and supply chains.
No nation benefits if those connecting routes become a place for displaying coercive power or confrontation. Regarding the South China Sea, Vietnam's position is consistent, clear, and principled. Vietnam supports the peaceful resolution of all disputes and disagreements on the basis of international law, especially the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 1982 Law of the Sea.
Vietnam respects the legitimate rights and interests of other countries, while resolutely and persistently defending its independence, sovereignty, sovereign rights, and legitimate jurisdiction in accordance with international law.
Secondly, it is necessary to create an open, inclusive regional structure centered around ASEAN.
In the context of many new mechanisms and initiatives emerging, we need to build a structure capable of connecting interests, reducing mistrust, and complementing existing mechanisms.
All initiatives that contribute to peace, stability, and development are welcome if they are transparent, respect international law, complement each other, do not undermine ASEAN's central role, and do not turn Southeast Asia into a space for confrontation between blocs.
ASEAN's central role is neither self- evident nor self-sustaining.
ASEAN can only fulfill that role through strategic autonomy, solidarity, and constructive capabilities.
An overarching common agenda linked to effective dialogue must generate positive action and enable the region to respond promptly to common issues.
Vietnam supports and is ready to cooperate closely with the Philippines in its capacity as ASEAN Chair in 2026, together with other member states, to strengthen peace and security, expand corridors of prosperity, promote connectivity, inclusive and sustainable development, and place the people of ASEAN at the center.
Third, human security and social resilience must be placed at the heart of sustainable security.
Today's instability stems not only from military conflicts but also from disruptions in the development of society. Therefore, strengthening national defense is a legitimate need, but sustainable security cannot rely solely on military strength, much less be built through an arms race or by increasing the perceived insecurity of other countries.
What we need is a development platform that is highly resilient to the shocks of an open and diversified supply chain.
Seamless infrastructure connectivity fosters cooperation in finance, technology, and human resources.
Simultaneously, promote practical cooperation in disaster relief, healthcare, water security, food security, energy security, cybersecurity, protection of critical infrastructure, and search and rescue.
Once cooperation ensures the safety, livelihoods, and improved living standards of the people, strategic trust will be strengthened and rewarded.
Fourth, it is necessary to establish standards of responsibility for new technologies and the defense industry, artificial intelligence, big data, quantum technology, automated systems, space technology, cybersecurity, and high-tech supply chains that are reshaping international security.
These technologies can enhance development capabilities, risk forecasting, and governance, but they can also be misused for cyberattacks, information manipulation, conflict automation, illicit surveillance, and the creation of new forms of coercion.
In national defense and security. The crucial question is not how powerful the technology is, but how well humans can control it. Therefore, we need to promote dialogue on AI in defense and security. Ensuring ultimate human responsibility in decisions with serious consequences.
Codes of conduct in cyberspace, protection of undersea cables and critical data infrastructure, and transparency regarding technologies that impact strategic stability. The defense industry should serve the legitimate defense and stability of the region, and not become a driving force for an arms race.
Fifth, it is necessary to strengthen social foundations and resilience, protect the information space, and raise awareness.
In a world of deep digital connectivity, instability stems not only from military conflict, supply chain disruptions, or cyberattacks, but can also begin with the erosion of trust within society.
Fake news, information manipulation, extremism, social polarization, and targeted influence campaigns can undermine national unity, distort public perception, deepen divisions, and accelerate the unfolding of crises.
Therefore, protecting peace in the new era also requires protecting the truth, strengthening social trust, enhancing strategic communication capabilities, educating digital citizens, promoting the responsibility of technology platforms, and international cooperation in combating misinformation.
A society capable of distinguishing right from wrong, maintaining consensus in the face of change, and not being driven by fear, hatred, or manipulation will be a crucial foundation for sustainable security.
Sixth, it is necessary to enhance the capacity for preventive diplomacy, mediation, and conciliation in the region.
Many crises do not erupt simply because of differences in interests, but because the parties lack reliable channels of communication, space for de-escalation, and mechanisms to help transform confrontation back into dialogue.
Therefore, the Asia-Pacific region needs to view preventive diplomacy as a strategic capability, not a stopgap measure after a crisis has occurred.
We need a deeper understanding of the various training channels, flexible intermediary mechanisms, incident contact groups, semi- formal forums, and confidence-building initiatives among the military, security, law enforcement, academics, businesses, and civil society organizations.
The goal is to create diplomatic escape routes before the parties are drawn into an escalating spiral that risks conflict.
With influential partners both within and outside the region, Vietnam wishes to send a sincere message.
The Asia-Pacific region is an open space where every nation with legitimate interests can contribute to peace, stability, and development.
The region welcomes the presence, transparency, accountability, respect for international law, support for ASEAN's central role, and contributions to reducing tensions.
What the region desires is not the mere presence or shadow of any major power, but a commitment to responsibility.
We recognize that competition is inevitable, but it must be conducted within the limits of the law, with transparency and self- restraint. Ladies and gentlemen, the three crises facing the world today are not inevitable events that we are forced to accept. It is important to confront the crisis directly but not let it obscure opportunities for action; the crisis of international order shows that international law and restraint need to be strengthened. The alarming development model reveals the need to renew growth drivers towards inclusiveness, physical sustainability, and a people-centered approach, while also fostering strategic trust and demanding transparent dialogue, accountability, and more substantive cooperation mechanisms.
Those answers won't just appear out of nowhere. These can only become a reality if countries work together to uphold and create rules, connect interests, strengthen trust, and build effective risk mitigation mechanisms. In a volatile world, challenges arise not only from external uncertainties but also from our own inadequate preparation to manage risks. The key is to shift from passive response to proactive development, from simply repeating principles to operating mechanisms, and from managing crises after they occur to mitigating risks before they erupt.
Therefore, the choice for the Asia- Pacific today is not about competition or non-competition, but rather, because competition is a reality of international objective reality, the more important choice is between unchecked competition and responsible coexistence, between division and dialogue, between coercive suspicion and an order based on rules and trust.
Vietnam believes that our region has the strength and shared interests to choose the path of peace, cooperation, and prosperity.
Ladies and gentlemen, Vietnam understands the value of peace through its own history, and the value of development through its journey of reform and integration.
From that experience, Vietnam deeply understands that our national interests are closely linked to the peace, stability, and prosperity of the region.
Contributing to peace and the region also means protecting Vietnam's long-term interests.
Expanding cooperation, minimizing risks, and connecting legitimate interests are also ways Vietnam fulfills its responsibilities to the international community.
Peace, stability, and development are the common denominators of all nations and peoples, but they only have meaning when translated into concrete actions, restraint in the face of disagreements, dialogue before differences escalate, cooperation when challenges transcend borders, and the establishment of mechanisms to mitigate risks that operate in practice.
With that spirit, Vietnam is ready to work with countries in and outside the region to strengthen the rule of law, build trust, promote dialogue, enhance cooperation, mitigate risks, and together build a safer, more resilient, and more prosperous Asia-Pacific.
Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen.
[Applause] Mr. President, thank you very much for sharing your assessment of that converging crisis of order development trust and outlining your six lines of effort to manage risk and mitigate risk.
We have now time for a few questions.
The president will take them from the from the podium and address them from the podium. So if I can please get an indication of who would like to ask a question then we can group three together. Um so ok I see um can I please get the first question from over there?
If you can please introduce yourself and ask question then we can take throughon my name is I'm from the ICS institute in Singapore. Thank you, Mr. General Secretary and President for very interesting speech. I really like your point about the need to build a new development model and related to that there has been massive domestic reform in Vietnam over the past two years from the notorious stream lining to the push to the private sector. I would like to know how do those changes affect Vietnam's foreign policy and what role do you foster a stronger and more confident Vietnam in ASEAN and in wi region. Thank you.
Thank you very much. We take two more. I see two hands here. One and then two. Yeah. There and then and then we move one table to the front.
Thank you, Dr. Gig and good evening, Mr. General Secretary. I'm a senior college student from China.
As we know China and Vietnam established strategic dialog 3 plus strategic dialog on diplomacy, defense and public security.
Good evening. Thank you, Mr. President Institute Studies.
Your country is very exposed to Middle East energy can you please tell us how your country is managing the current crisis. what the impact is on thinking about how to manage your energy exposure your energy security including in terms of renewable and perhaps nuclear power thank you thank you very much and if I have one taker for one last one and then I'll turn it over yes can get a microphone yes thank you very much president benjamin from hels leading defense AI company you mention that AI creates new challenges, but it also creates new opportunities.
Wouldn't you agree that AI and autonomous systems give countries the chance to actually deliver the combat power they need for deter at a new speed? Thank you. Thank you very much.
So, Mr. President, if I can uh invite you to address these four points that were that were made on a more confident Vietnam and Asia and how that role might evolve.
From China using it as a framework for regional security, to energy security, how conflict in the Middle East might affect Vietnam, and how to manage this challenge, and finally, your observation on the need to have human decision-making connected to AI and advanced technology, the point about AI technology and modernization.
I would like to thank you all for your questions.
I will answer each question in turn, starting with a question from a researcher from the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore.
I would like to answer that in Vietnam today we are strongly implementing the restructuring of the administrative apparatus, perfecting the institutional framework, and improving national governance capacity. The ultimate goal is to create new impetus for development, enhance the competitiveness and resilience of the country in the context of a rapidly changing and complex world.
These adjustments do not affect Vietnam's fundamental foreign policy; on the contrary, they will help Vietnam more effectively implement its independent, self-reliant, multilateral, and diversified foreign policy.
A more dynamic and effectively governed Vietnam will be a more reliable and responsible partner for the region and the world.
We in Vietnam also view ASEAN as a strategic space directly linked to our peace, stability, and development. Vietnam has always considered the success of ASEAN as its own success.
As I mentioned in my ASEAN speech, Vietnam does not aim to become a center of power, but rather aspires to be an active, responsible member that contributes to strengthening unity, enhancing ASEAN's central role, and promoting a fair and substantive approach to regional challenges in the coming years. As national capacity is enhanced, Vietnam will contribute more to ASEAN and, together with other member states, will strengthen ASEAN as a strategic convergence point, especially in areas such as economic connectivity, digital transformation, supply chain security, maritime security, and narrowing the development gap.
We believe that a united and resilient ASEAN, maintaining its central role, will continue to be a crucial foundation for peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.
Regarding the second question from a delegate from China, we believe that our consistent defense policy is aimed at protecting independence and maintaining a peaceful environment.
It also does not participate in military alliances, does not ally with one country against another, does not allow foreign countries to establish military bases on Vietnamese territory, and does not use force.
There are many mechanisms for cooperation and development between Vietnam and China. This includes the 3+3 ministerial-level dialogue mechanism involving the Minister of Defense, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Minister of Public Security, and this is one of the few countries that has such a mechanism.
Implementing this mechanism also reflects Vietnam's self-reliance and self-strengthening perspective, inheriting the precious tradition of self-reliance and self-strengthening of the Vietnamese nation while absorbing the best of humanity. The spirit of self-reliance and self- strengthening is considered the guiding principle throughout the history of nation- building and national defense of the Vietnamese people.
That spirit is expressed through maintaining and building a peaceful environment. Vietnam is committed to actively and responsibly participating in and resolving common international and regional issues comprehensively, deeply, and effectively. In addition, Vietnam affirms its full compliance with the fundamental principles of international relations, including the United Nations, peace, mutual benefit, friendship, and trustworthiness, and its membership in the international community. Regarding the international community's responsibility in its relationship with China, we also see that the 3+3 mechanism, involving key agencies to maintain peace and stability in the region, encompassing foreign affairs, defense, and public security, has very practical value in implementing Vietnam's policies in its relationship with China, as well as contributing to regional peace and stability.
The third question a researcher asks about question a.
Please, sir, could you repeat my third question?
The third question was on energy security and how Vietnam manages conflict in the Middle East on your energy supply.
Regarding the Middle East crisis, which affects not only energy but also disrupts supply chains and has many other repercussions, we have focused on addressing these issues in our development strategy aimed at self-reliance, self-sufficiency, and self-strengthening. First and foremost, we must maintain supply sources and reserves to ensure sufficient energy, including petroleum and electricity, and diversify these energy sources to serve the country's development. This also impacts the supply chain in the production of goods and the commercial market. Due to the Middle East crisis, we have proactively responded by expanding markets, including the supply of raw materials for production, as well as expanding export markets for goods. We have also created cooperation frameworks to ensure supply and logistics meet the requirements. Our calculations show that we have maintained production and trade, continued to attract foreign investment in both quantity and quality, and at the same time, our import and export turnover has remained strong, and domestic national growth has also been sustained. These are the results of dealing with and resolving the difficulties arising from such unusual conflicts. And we also believe these are the first steps in resolving these difficulties. I think that the longer this conflict drags on, the more difficult it will become, not only for Vietnam but also for the region and many other countries. And then there's the last question, the fourth one.
and Mr. President for the final question.
Avancy Manager would also like to thank you for your question about science and technology.
AI is indeed a new technology that brings many benefits; it transforms forms of management and social development, as well as production and business. So, alongside the positive aspects, the negative sides of AI have also emerged, and we see three key areas in Vietnam that need to be promoted. First, there is the responsibility and control that humans have over decisions with serious security consequences. Especially in the field of defense. The more advanced technology becomes, the greater the responsibility that humans must have, and this responsibility is regulated very strictly.
including AI. Secondly, the infrastructure of civilian space must be protected. In addition, it is necessary to avoid attacks or sabotage on critical systems such as healthcare, energy, finance, ports, maritime transport, data, and other essential services for citizens, in which everyone contributes to the development of these sectors.
And thirdly, there must be transparency in sharing information and building trust through dialogue based on voluntary principles, technical standards, and gradually moving towards stricter frameworks when there is consensus on the use of scientific and technological applications, including AI, to serve production, business, defense, military, and security. I have a few brief questions. Thank you very much for your attention and interest.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much secretary and president for address to the 23d issangril dialog.
It is 8:46. We shall begin the dinner now. Um, and let me invite you to offer a final round of applause and thank our speakers. Thank you very much. [clap]
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