The dissident right movement must reclaim and reframe the Western canon, as the history of ideas belongs to them but has been yielded up over generations; this intellectual foundation is essential for political soldiers who need to understand their historical situation and defend permanent things like traditional gender roles and family structures, which are under constant assault from secular humanist ideology.
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Mindphaser - Season 1, ep. 15Added:
I wonder.
Welcome back. This is Mind Phaser episode 15. The date is September 18th, 2022, which is a date of no small significance, and I'll get into why in a little while. I'm on deck here with uh the kid Ace who's uh my earthw partner in crime and I'm also very pleased to say that joining us is Mike from Imperium Press and Imperium Press. I'm sure a lot of the a lot of the readers are well familiar with with their catalog. They're a really really great publisher of dissident literature as well as you know just you know kind of literature of relevance to what I think of as people of the accident. you know, not just western white people, but you know, people are very engaged with their culture in historical terms and, you know, very very interested in in kind of uh exploring the intellectual foundations, you know, not just of our not just of our political values, but you know, of our intellectual traditions and cultural practices more generally.
And that's really really essential to uh to to to what we're engaged in. And um as you know the barriers to entry in terms of publishing have been reduced you know owing to owing to the you know the the availability of technology and things um the kinds of things that you know Mike is engaged in have have become quite a bit more accessible but uh it's it's that certainly does not mean that there's any less labor involved and you know there's some not insubstantial risk you know the reputation as well as as well as the the physical safety depending on where one uh resides. ides and you know what sort of a life one leads. So I I I think um there's a distinction that's drawn improperly between you know you know people who are engaged in the intellectual side of of of things and people who are you know prone to you know what what what's viewed as direct action you know what and and you know men who are who are um you know whose primary activity is the physical and you know that which is you know that that which is intrinsically you know uh surrounded surrounded by risk. That's kind of a distinction without difference. Okay. In politics generally, in in dissident politics, I should I should say, um, you know, I I people uh people like Mike are are just as much political soldiers as as any man who's, you know, more physically directly engaged um where our people are under threat um in uh in in in more tangible terms. Um and I I mean that quite sincerely. And uh I uh what I want to get into today a little bit is uh I I want to get into the importance of philosophical foundations or more properly theoretical foundations. Philosophy can be a loaded term. I invoke it just for purposes of uh a familiarity you know and and it's and you know kind of referring to a common vocabulary. Um I I invoke the example a lot. I think I may have done it recently on on AA's stream though I can't remember but it's uh it it's it's an important anecdote because of uh because it's demonstrative of a real of a real problem on the right especially um Gusty Spence the uh ultravolunteer force uh paramilitary.
He found himself detained at Long Prison as a political prisoner very early on in in the conflict cycle, the troubles in Northern Ireland. And decades later, you know, when he repented for a lot of the a lot of the violence he was responsible for and and he was speaking very candidly about his, you know, career, if you want to call it that, as a as a paramilitary um um operator, he said that these young men who he was running across who were, you know, were sent to the loyalist wing of law, you know, for for paramilitary related violence, Spence would put it would pose the question to them upon arrival, why are you here? And uh the kinds of answers they give them are very concrete, you know, and very instinctive things like, you know, I'm fighting the Fenians or I'm defending my people or I'm quote returning the serve to the IRA, you know, who's who's been attacking our community? And Spence said his reply was always, no, no, no. Why are you here? You know, like who are we?
You know, what is our struggle? It's not enough to I mean don't get me wrong there I I agree very much with uh you know um people like the maestra and to uh and to a lesser degree uh Edmund Burke who made the point that you know loyalty uh loyalty uh and and and political values and affinity for for one's own people. That's largely an instinctive uh sentiment. you know, it's not it's not something that's reduced to intellectual calculus or it's it's not something that's abstracted from a very a very visceral experience, you know, and that that that that's important to note. Okay. Um no no uh no genuine patriotism, no genuine loyalty is premised on something that's abstracted from from from you know very very intimate relations you know between oneself and one's one's comrades, one one's family, one's bloodline uh and one's ethnos. Okay. But at the same time, uh any any movement um that is is doomed to fail if if its constituent elements, if the men that constitute it do not have any idea of, you know, where and how they are historically situated or if they can't truly apprehend, you know, the nuances of of the dialectical process that led to the conflict that they are mired in. And um I think that uh you know, it's obviously a punitive cliche that the right is quote anti-intellectual. That's not true at all. If anything, uh I I I think uh a more more proper if uh if punitive in its own right uh um kind of stereotype would be that the the right is populated by guys who are who are kind of too mired in in esoteric and in intellectual endeavors. Okay. But um needless to say um you know our our our people in in our in our faction in in the in the new resistance or the dissident community however one wishes to characterize it they certainly are anti-intellectual but I think a lot of I think a lot of um a lot of us especially the younger fellows do have what I would consider a bias for action you know and they they kind of tended to disdain um they kind of tend to disdain uh uh you know what they view as purely intellectual activity is somehow Oh, you know, again, like I said, like not not related to the struggle or some kind of copout or some kind of substitute for direct action or some kind of, you know, um or some kind of uh cathartic, you know, physical uh um resistance that that uh that should take priority. But that's one of the reasons I wanted Mike uh to join us. Not just cuz he's a dear friend and not just because uh he's uh he he's you know anybody who's my publisher is going to be long-suffering because uh you know I uh I I'm I'm in some ways a stereotypical writer and like I never get things done when I'm supposed to and I I I I very much appreciate Mo's willingness to tolerate that.
>> I'm a glutton for punishment. This is what we do, you know? It's fine. Don't worry about it.
>> Yeah. Yeah. No, you deal with you deal with a whole a whole a whole gang of writers. So, I mean Yeah. you must be.
But in any event, um you know, Mike's very much in in in at the center of uh of this um you know, he's uh he's he's a leading publisher within our with within uh within our um within our community and uh you know, he's he's a he's got he's got a fascinating background, too.
So, I just I want to turn over to you for a minute, Mike, and just in in whatever terms you're comfortable with.
I mean, just tell us like who is Mike?
You know, how how did you get into the publishing game and kind of what what's Imperium? what's the mission of Imperium Press? You know, just just kind of give us whatever you're comfortable with.
Disclosure.
>> Sure. Yeah. Well, well, first of all, thanks for having me on. It's good to talk to both you guys again. Um, glad to be here. So, as far as me, um, I so I for those who don't know, um, I'm pretty sure because uh, you've you've uh, put out a your first uh, book, Steeltorm, through us. I think most of the guys that listening will know who Imperium Press is, but for me personally, um I am the editor-inchief of Imperium Press uh dissident and nationalist uh publisher of books. And so got started uh well, we launched our first book in 2019 that was uh a a nice verse translation of the Iliad that had been out of print for a long time. Um but the mission was essentially to and remains uh to reclaim the western cannon for ourselves because quite frankly uh what you said before um the the kind of caricature of the right as being anti-intellectual could not be further from the truth. Basically we own the history of ideas. Uh this is our our thing. Um, if you cast your gaze across the centuries back all the way to the beginning of recorded history and you look at what the what the big big names, what what the the the true titans believed about um what makes a society, um what our imperatives are as a people, as folk, as as peoples, um what matters uh and and even like what constitutes reality, then you're going to hit on people who believe things that are largely the same as us and who believe things that are largely very very different from the progressive secular humanist perspective. So if you want to say the right is anti-intellectual basically what you have to do is you have to erase effectively the whole history of ideas um which is kind of what's going on today. This is what the cultural Marxist agenda is.
>> That's a very good point. I just want to insinuate and give it right back to you.
Like Alan Bloom um he wrote back about 30 years ago a book called um the closing of the American mind. Now Bloom was kind of like Christopher Lash, okay?
He was something of a he was he was he was a guy who came from the left initially you know he was a Jewish intellectual but he had some profound insights and he actually made that point rather obliquely that one of the reason you know the war on kind of the the western cannon it's not it's it's because you know that cannon it like the idea of an intellectual cannon itself is offensive to uh to people who endeavor at a year zero um in in in some basic sense. So yeah that's an important point. Go ahead. I just wanted to drop that >> for sure. Yeah. No, he's right. So if you look across, you know, the history of ideas, basically everybody who matters believes what we believe and explicitly repudiates what the other other side believes. Um, if what the other side believes would even be intelligible to them. So the history of ideas belongs to us, but we have yielded it up over the course of uh a number of generations. And so the mission of Imperium Press is to reclaim it for ourselves to bring it back uh bring the the the the palm of victory back to the home team as it were. Um so yeah, it's very important uh to get a kind of grounding for why why it is that we do what we do um as nationalists. Let's just let's just you know use the umbrella term nationalists. I think we can all sort of fall under that.
>> Yeah, definitely. Yeah. So as far as nationalism is concerned and what what we're doing um as either as activists or as business owners or as people who are actually doing things IRL um that that needs to be grounded that needs to have a solid intellectual foundation and that solid intellectual foundation as we'll discuss as we go on is effectively the western cannon. Um, you mentioned Burke and Maestra and I I I I I am actually quite a Burke enjoyer. I I really do have quite a lot of respect for him. I mean, obviously a wig intellectual, a wig enlightenment intellectual is going to be limited in certain ways. Um, but you know, one thing that I like he has an interesting sort of mix of just deep deep insight and stuff that like really needs to be uh thrown in the garbage.
Uh, but one of the things that he says that is really on point is the idea that he gives a kind of an analogy about the house being built. So the house gets built first and then the theory is drawn from the house that stands for centuries later. The the the the IRL success the the great man comes first and then the philosophical foundations that justify him and that explain what how it it was that he came to be where he was. Those things generally tend to come later. And this is why I think it's so important to engage with not just ideas, not just philosophy in the abstract, but the history of ideas, the sequence uh in which ideas come and in some sense the you know analytical priority of ideas which are very much bound up with the historical unfolding of the ideas. Um so when Burke says that the first you get the house uh that's built and then you draw the theory from the house this is a very pragmatist uh way of looking at things and I think this is really kind of the essence of the right in a sense is this pra this epistemological pragmatism where I I mean it kind of ties in I'm I'm speaking very abstractly here but it ties in sort of with this post that I put on to um onto Telegram a while back where I was sort of lamenting that there is so much debate going on in our sphere. Now again this is not to say that we shouldn't be engaging in debate but that there are other things to do as well right where I basically said like look I'm a practical guy I run a business uh and I run a dissident business right and in our operations we have challenges that like you know a mom and pop shop selling hardware on the corner uh does not have >> Yeah exactly there there are people who do not want us to do what we're doing and would like to see us shut down so we have to worry about things that others don't. And I look across the sort of dissident sphere and I see a lot of talent. I see a lot of people who have practical skills um that are basically spending a lot of time in debate forums and that's all great and everything, but we need we need people to do practical stuff. And now here I'm going to say uh in contradistinction to that that the the debate does matter though. This is not it's you know what I was not saying is that we should all close the books and then forget about theory and then just you know get out in the streets and and um you know wave signs in the air or something like that. I mean of course as a as a distant publisher I do believe that the history of ideas matters. Uh so yeah it really grows out of a um a very concrete facticity in the world. It's not just sort of reading things in the abstract. It's engaging with a tradition and that tradition is in a nutshell and we'll we'll unpack this as we go the western cannon which needs to be reframed and reclaimed and that's what we're doing.
>> No, exactly. And to your point, it's interesting. Uh it might seem an odd example, but I I I think it's important to what we're talking about because we're talking about to your point the false distinction between, you know, the the you know the uh the the domain of mind and the domain of action as it were. As if these things not only don't um intersect, but as if they're splendidly isolated from one another. I was reading up on uh I was reading up on um what's become uh known as the the Jonesboro massacre, you know, that back in 1979.
Um these elements >> Jonestown or or is that >> No, Jonesboro. Um >> Okay.
>> And uh it was in uh it was in North Carolina. Okay. um elements of the Communist Workers Party and elements of the Kulux Clan and uh and and Herald Coington's uh American Nazi party. Uh they clashed and uh there was a shootout and five people died. Um all of which were uh were members of the CWP. Now, how did this come about? Well, the Communist Workers Party, they very much targeted the clan on the ground, which this was 1979. you know, they still at the local level, the clan still had some clout. Okay. Um, so they they you know, they the the communists had very much pro provoked this fight and uh Cington and is a whatever I don't have anything nice to say about Cington, but the man was not a physical coward. Okay. Um that whatever else we can say about him, he went there to back up the clan, which actually was a very ballsy thing to do.
Okay. especially in those days um when uh I mean yeah I realized the culture was not nearly as as committed to you know to sussing out and and um and prosecuting and otherwise harming you know right-wing dissident but the you know the the clan and and organizations like the&P had very much been been targeted for violence by the left okay I mean that that was the whole reason why this why this incident happened but at any event you know the important thing here is what was the communist workers party they were they were an offshoot of the Communist Party USA that had broke with Gus Hall and and the CPUSA structure because they viewed them as very stagnant and um and uh and and very much uh an appendage of Moscow, which it was. Moscow kept the CPUSA alive literally. They they they'd fund them to the tune of about a million dollars a year, which in the 70s was a huge fortune. Okay. But the CWP, one of their honos, he was literally a medical doctor with a successful practice. he left his practice to go work in a textile mill in North Carolina with the aim of radicalizing uh the primarily black workers there. Um and and and uh and establishing a a kind of uh a kind of cadre of of of Marxist unions, okay, particularly throughout the South, but ultimately nationwide. And the CWP, they were very they were very openly Mauist.
Now, I mean, there were some people um in, you know, post uh post 1968 especially, you know, who who hung out the banner of Mau quote unquote Mauism just cuz it was, you know, they it was it was just kind of a it was just kind of a meaningless signifier that they thought indicated that they were, you know, even more progressive than the progressives. But in the CWP's case, they realized that um not entirely incorrectly, you know, that that Stalinism was was stagnant and that uh you know, the colored world as it were, particularly considering this was in the immediate aftermath of Vietnam, did identify with Maoism in basic terms. And you know, one of the uh I think Maoism is nonsense in terms of its understanding of Marxist Leninism and and and uh and historical dialectic, but one of the core tenants of it is political warfare. or particularly the overthrowing of hierarchies, you know, wherever they may be found, you know, between the sexes, you know, within within, you know, within social life, within civic institutions, within the family. Okay. Um, and this uh this was something the CWP took very seriously and uh they'd uh they they they and again too the the CWP was getting out there and trying to and and with some success trying to create uh radicalized union shops um that uh that that were organized along explicitly communist lines. And but these cadres, they spend as much time training these people and teaching them how to shoot and how to deal with law enforcement and how to deal with their enemies in the street like the clan and like these uh you know and like the these&p types as they did you know educating them in in in political warfare and educating them in their own cannon as it were and um you know the reason why is because that's uh you know historical dialectic is its own process. I mean whether you believe that it's the hand of God that is animating that process or you believe it's just you know the aggregate kind of decisions of man and you know man responding to you know severally and collectively you know to the conditions in which he finds himself. I mean it's it's not it's not something that you know is is is is implemented by you know some kind of you know deliberate planning but at the same time you know acknowledgement of uh of of historical conditions and being able to explain to people you know what what what what what the concrete objectives are of the party um at the cadre level or or at the uh or in totality um within those conditions that's absolutely essential to success. Okay. And the left, one of the things Spence was getting at is that the left always was pretty good at that. Now, don't get me wrong, like their understanding of history was totally impoverished. Um, it was cultic, quite literally, you know, it uh it it was completely at odds with the actual human condition. Um, but that doesn't matter because we're not talking about, you know, the merits of their belief structure. we're talking about in purely tactical terms, you know, what they prioritized and and how they proceeded in structural terms. And uh one of the things I've noticed on the right especially um and again this isn't I'm not I'm not being um punitive. I actually have a lot of esteem for people like Burke and for people like Russell Kirk. But you know um the uh Kirk's constant refrain um and and Burke made this point too, albeit more eloquently and more completely that the quote permanent things like don't need to be justified. Well, actually they do, man.
Okay, because they're going to become under constant assault. You know, even like look at look at what the enemy is doing. I mean, preposterous it might seem now. They're declaring that, you know, there's no such thing as men and women. You know, um marriage is just people, you know, engaged in sexual activity for, you know, in any in any in any peculiar combination, you know. Um the very the whole reason they are assaulting those things is because they are quote permanent things. So just saying like I don't need to rationalize, you know, why permanent things are goods, you know, are ethical goods or, you know, um are are sacramental like you absolutely do need to justify that.
For sure.
>> You don't need you don't need to justify that to our fellows and normal people and to people who you know within our own within our own you know race who are uh who are not you know who have not been corrupted by by the enemy into uh in into uh into treason you know intellectual or actual but uh you know you do you in in the in the in the quote bad you know in political warfare you absolutely do need to you absolutely do need to defeat the enemy's ideas you know as much as you need to defeat them physically in conditions of civil war or uh or or or um or uh or conditions of unrest approaching civil war. Now, mind you, for any glowies who are undoubtedly listening to this podcast, I absolutely do not advocate people break the law.
And I'm not suggesting people uh you know, people people engage in violence other than direct self-defense um of life and uh and bodily integrity. Okay?
So, um that's not what I'm saying. I'm speaking of, you know, conditions where I'm speaking of circumstance where conditions of civil war are in fact underway or approaching. Okay. But that yeah, I uh again, forgive my long- windedness. I'm kind of thinking aloud, but that that's a fundamentally important point. I want to give it over to Ace for a minute because not only because he's younger than both of us. Um I uh I mean pretty much everybody I meet nowadays is younger than me, but but he's he's objectively a young dude. And I don't want to put you on the spot, Ace, but frankly, you do you are more insinuated into uh into both uh kind of movement events or like nationalist events than I am cuz you attend a lot of these things, but also you're around a lot of mainstream Republicans and MAGA people and you've attended a not insignificant number of of of uh of conventional conservative pack uh events. I mean, what's your like what what what's your take on this, man? Like in both capacities, the people you meet, do they live up to the stereotype as being just, you know, kind of Jared Taylor types who want to kind of meet, greet, and then retreat and just kind of, you know, drop a 45minute talk on, you know, things like black crime for some kind of cathartic release and then, you know, and then go back to kind of, you know, living in a proverbial bunker or do you think that, you know, is is is the paradigm shifting where people realize that, you know, um this kind of intellectual clarity um is an essential component of direct action and and in the in the entire kind of nationalist dissident enterprise like what what's your take on these people basically?
>> Well, I think what we're seeing in its early phase right now and I don't u mind people being discouraged because it doesn't look like the scene has fully developed, but like Mike said earlier, I think people are stepping away from the more academically minded way of doing things. And what's happening at a lot of these nationalist themed events is it's really just young people meeting out in open space and being able to talk about this stuff and you know I we kind of get a moment to let our hair down and so that's where I think a lot of the authenticity comes out. you know beforehand I was going to the more establishment tier buckleyite right events like turning point and what's happening is those institutions are being mimicked by more dissident actors and so what you're seeing is we're kind of taking the optics of the crisp clean establishment but just changing out the uh substance which you know has been in high demand for a while now so it's just it's a working it's a working format that I think we're going to be seeing Uh, >> and no, just let me insinuate this. I I want to make the point, man. I'm not I'm I'm not I'm not putting shade on people who if you know, whose whose purpose is to just kind of, you know, meet and greet others and and make connections, you know, socially and otherwise. I'm constantly driving the point that social capital is is is wealth in real terms.
Okay? that's got to be included in in in in accounting for what what what kind of wealth your your your movement, your faction uh possesses. And um the need to reconstitute social capital, that's got to be an absolute priority. And from what I've seen, uh we're doing that.
Okay. I mean I I you know in my within my own uh little uh sphere of of endeavor um I I think we made great strides just in the past kind of year and nine months since I re uh since I rejoined um since I rejoined our uh our faction in in active terms um and began uh you know endeavoring to you know assist the the nationalist community actively.
>> Has it been only that long? Wow. It seems like a thousand years.
>> Yeah.
>> Yeah. I hope and I don't know. I I I Yeah.
>> In a good way. There's just been so much to do. That's all.
>> Yeah. I was going to say like I fear that maybe maybe like Yeah. May maybe like being forced to endure like my my [ __ ] is is it seems like an eternity no matter what. But like that that that notwithstanding. Um, no the, uh, so I'm I'll give it back to you fellas in a minute, but I just wanted to make it clear like the last thing I would suggest is that, you know, uh, there's nothing wrong with with withh holding, you know, with with with meeting and greeting others just for its own sake, you know, to make connections, you know, to make friends quite literally, you know, to build social capital and to um, you know, just even in practical terms too. Okay, it's like, you know, you become friendly with a guy who's a home builder. Okay, when you need a home builder, you call one of our people to do it, you know. And it like corny as that might sound, this is the kind of thing that's been lost and one of the reasons why we've been able to, you know, the divide and conquer strategy, the enemy is has worked to such uh such great effect. And don't get me wrong, I I mean, people make fun of it, which is fine cuz I realize I'm kind of like tailor made to be a meme, but I uh you know, the white man walks alone, that's a real that that that that's a real thing. Okay. But at the same time uh uh rugged individualism can be taken too far. It can you know it it's you can you can you can internalize the lone wolf sensibility to the point where you know you almost kind of want to do your own thing always and hey that's dope except it means that in a political fight you know like you lose.
>> Yeah.
>> And plus I mean that no man is an island anyway. But I I I don't want people to feel discouraged or think that I I mean I'm putting shade on on people organizing events uh for the for the sole purpose of of people getting together and you know and and building community that that's essential. I mean that's really what it's all about. Okay.
Um at the end of the day, you know, I'm talking outside of I'm talking about real life stuff. I'm not just talking about the political struggle, okay? I mean it's, you know, um having a you know, having the love and respect of others and and building a a perennial community. Um that's that that's what life's about. That's what's really important you know and politics is important too but it's you know it's just because life is a struggle and you know God created the world is as an ultra sacrifice and a battlefield among other things. Okay. But uh that's not some end in itself. Um I'm uh I I feel that the path God chose for me is to be a political soldier. I know that might sound melodramatic or something. I'm I'm being entirely sincere. Okay. So I probably overemphasize these features of things like what you should be focused on first and foremost is like your wife and kids and being a credit to your people and you know um and uh being right with God and you know and frankly finding ways to enjoy yourself dayto-day therein. You know I I but you know God also needs political soldiers but we can lose sight of the fact um you know like real partisan types like myself and you know like you fellas um and other people to varying degrees. we we can lose sight of like what's truly important in human terms. But I um what I wanted to uh what I wanted to um I wanted to give back to you for now too, Mike, because I know that um I I mean uh I I I don't want to I don't want to disclose where you are.
I mean, if you want to, by all means, but I'm not going to do it. But it well where you are and where a lot of people are situated uh you know censorship and um and harassment by authorities you know both both formal authorities and and police uh and the police apparatus as well as NOS's who you know de facto kind of the power to censor and harass people. I mean in some ways they've got more of a cart blanch to do so because there's not you know they're not they're not they're not bound by any kind of any kind of formal restraint. Um you you know I hear a lot of people say that like you know they're they're reluctant to start a business like yours or sort of pursue any kind of a public profile as a as a dissident because they claim that this is just impossible or you're just setting yourself up. You're just putting a target on your back. Um that's not really true. I mean don't get me wrong.
I mean we do not we like our kind of our cross to bear and all people have a cross to bear. um is uh is is dealing with the fact that uh we uh you know we we we live under a godless regime that's uh that that that that's dedicated to this the sussing out and and and punishing dissident thought in in in all in myriad ways. But, you know, one of the reasons one of the reasons I I'm proud, you know, that Imperium Press publishes my work and one of the reasons I I I consistently praise, you know, your your your brand. Um, it's not just because you and I are friends and you know, you do me a lot of favors and I I I believe in in the cause, but uh I um I uh it's important because you're a testament to the fact that this is possible and where you're situated um where you reside is is a particularly difficult in my opinion venue to be doing such a thing. You know, it uh it uh it's not impossible. And if any I mean one of the alienating and and and kind of uh unpleasant as a lot of features of of of hyper modernity are um it's it's it's liberated us from uh the ideological ghetto that we were relegated to. You know only as recently as 25 and 30 years ago you know um in uh in 1980 or 1990 this would not have been possible. And this is I I realize I'm I'm sucking up all the oxygen. I'll hand it to you in just a moment. But I make the point again and again that you know HQ Thompson who uh was uh was a real was a real patriot and a real man and you know a close associate of Francis Yaki you know he he he cut an interview with American Mercury back in 1980 and um the uh the interviewer asked him you know cuz in those days like mailing lists were worth waiting gold because that's you had no you were flying blind in terms of you know who would be receptive to you know to uh >> they still are to be honest.
>> Okay, fair enough.
>> But I know I know what you mean for sure.
>> Yeah. Yeah. So it was all they had basically.
>> Yeah. So this interviewer said to HG Thompson who himself was a publisher um you know he was he was closely affiliated with IHR but he also like for a living he was a publisher of like non-political material but uh this interviewer said to H Thompson like let's say like you had uh you know let's say you had like you had access to you know every every mailing list of like every right-wing organization you know Xant then. And he's like, let's say you published, you know, like a neo-fascist magazine and you had the budget of Time magazine or Newsweek, which at the time, you know, were kind of the top um or kind of the top uh you know, news magazines, you know. He's like, "What what do you think? What do you think nationwide, you know, like your subscriber base would be?" And HQ Thompson said like, "Best case scenario, probably 200 subscribers." Okay. I mean, now you've got um you've got hard right uh social media accounts that have literally millions of followers. You know, you've got uh you've got uh you got books uh of of a revisionist nature or of a uh you know, or or of a social commentary or satire nature with an overtly, you know, above board hardright uh tenor and they sell tens of thousands of copies. You know, I can't emphasize that enough to people who uh who claim that, you know, this is like a fool's errand or we're getting our asses kicked or something.
you know, the strides we've made are incredible and it's the the the paradigm shift has definitely favored us, not just in relative terms, but in absolute terms. And >> I just wanted um I I just kind of wanted you just kind of just kind of spitballing, man. Like I I I kind of wanted you to you know I mean uh like like tell us as much as your comfort bowl anecdotally or just generally you know like um it it is in fact possible to to uh to publish an above an above board dissident brand. I mean how were you reluctant to do that at first or did you just kind of say like we'll see where this goes and if we get shut down we could shut down like just tell us a little bit about that as much as you're trying to without outing yourself.
>> Oh definitely. Um I I first and I will get to that, but I first I want to respond to some of the stuff that you guys have said over the last couple minutes um because there was so much good in there to talk about.
>> Oh yeah, go ahead. um with what Ace was saying about like you know IRL meetups with guys that um you know at like meet meeting at these sort of like Amran conferences and things like that and and sort of the the Gen Z um you know what's going on these days with um meeting up with dissident in real life shaking their hands it's obviously less possible in the the postcoid era than it was before but that's still happening and it's still important right um I think that right One of the things that I've I mean this movement has obviously changed and it's changed over generations, but it's also changed in the last six years since Trump basically became a political force. I remember back in the 2016 era when he hadn't even been elected yet and people were getting they were riding this wave of enthusiasm that all that was necessary was to get him into office and then to red pill the normies uh to where there would be this sort of uh cresting wave of populist energy that would just basically carry the day and that we would somehow the problems would be solved. Well, I think now we've actually and and I remember at that time I was cautioning people because I had basically taken the absolutist pill. Um I was cautioning people that populist energy doesn't really do anything that it has to be wielded. It has to be wielded by a a man, a person or a a group of people who are principled and understand the world otherwise it's effective it's just going to be dissipated. Uh and I'm very happy to say now that I think that the um the uh red pilling the normies uh take has kind of subsided quite a lot more. Basically all the normies have been redpilled that can be and that uh that this is not really it's not quite what we're doing anymore.
And now of course we do want to look good to the outside world. I mean as you said social capital is wealth and this includes you know the taking on the appearance of a serious thinker and actually being a serious thinker. So what our job now is rather than to you know drop like race and crime statistics into every um into every comment section of the New York Times and Washington Post. Our job is to create and defend a worldview. Right? And what we're actually what we're doing here in this our thing is not just reactionary. It's not just a kind of knee-jerk response to uh being under fire. There is some real positive constructive work to be done as well. Like we're creating a space uh an ideological space. We're kind of drawing a line around certain values, certain historical realities, certain people and certain people's and and and affirming this and saying this is this is something that's important. This is something to be defended, right? Um and to uh go back to your point that you made about uh Burke um and Russell Kirk and where you were saying that the permanent things need to be defended too that that they're not just always taken for granted. they they can't just always be taken for granted. This is very important. This is a really like I I think guys really need to understand this point that you're making here. Uh because I often get the question now. I mean our audience obviously likes the stuff we publish and kind of views it as self-evidently important but not everyone does. Not everyone understands why you need to read Robert Filmer. the guy wrote in 16 like it's his book came out postumously in 1650 I believe it was that's a long time ago why should we care about somebody who who wrote almost 400 years ago why would you read Joseph deestra why would you read um Johan Gayorg Haman any of these counterenlightenment or pre-enlightenment figures who cares what's the point well the fact is that we're living in a time where a lot of what we're we are now defending was once considered to be so obvious that people never even thought to defend it before. They never even thought it could be defended because it was so self-evident. And what we are doing now is having to formulate a body of theory and a body of um rhetorical defense justifying uh what is good and natural, the the order of things as it is and as it should be. Um whereas before it was just taken for granted that like men and women are different and you know sexual um sexual roles are what they are for no for for good reason right these things are not just arbitrary and this is actually a similar situation that we are in right now to the same uh to what the counterenlightenment thinkers faced after the French Revolution >> and this is part of why I find this point in history to be so intellectually rich. They are doing what we are now doing, right? They they were engaged in the same intellectual project as we are, but for their own time. And a lot of what was taken then as too obvious to bother defending suddenly had to be defended. And this is why it's so interesting because you've you all of a sudden this big bang.
>> Yeah. Tremendously important point. I just wanted to insinuate too. One of the reasons I emphasize the 20th century so much. It's not just because it's kind of my wheelhouse and my primary area of research, but the 21st century truly is the the hangover of the 20th century. I mean, that's essential to understanding not just the structure of the regime and why it's it it and why it engages in this kind of outmoded rhetoric, you know, and why uh >> you know, why why the why the regime behaves the way it does in structural terms. You know, it owes to the cold war. And I mean the cold war itself like you've got to understand too like one of the reasons why um it was so difficult to kind of make headway with people even intelligent people during the Clinton years this kind of ideology of literally the quote end of history had insinuated itself into everything there was this idea that well you know Nerburgg decided that right-wing thought is just it's so abominable it's so evil it's so depraved it's just off the table we don't even discuss that. So the rational and you know and it was also suggested that you know not only is this evil but this is you know outside the parameters of reason which is an absurdity and all kind you know that's a logical fallacy for all kinds of reasons that are evident and a little and subtle but I I don't they're both evident and subtle but I I I don't need to deep dive into that >> but the point is there's this idea that well conceptual reality you know has is just has simply been reduced to these kinds of material paradigms and such that there's such that there's an ethical dimension to it. All it involves is that you know all people are afforded some kind of dignity. You know that that's that's that's the rallying cry of secular humanism is dignity which doesn't really mean anything. So there's this idea on the right you know that you know there they were like they were deprived basically of uh of of of tools to not just resist uh subversion with but they were they were deprived of an ability to really conceptualize the world as it is. you know, and uh the idea that you know, the only two possible outcomes like the only like you know, in in late modernity as it were, the only possible uh organizational uh uh um models for human society was either you know a Marxist Leninist garrison state like behind the Iron Curtain or you know a secular humanist uh you know kind of kind of Zionist uh uh state like America you know wherein um you know where where wherein man was deliberately stripped of of any identitarian characteristics that you know were not approved by government and that did not make him more governable as a kind of as a kind of dassinated integer. Um the I I can't emphasize the degree to which this had you know kind of penetrated people's consciousness you know um and people were incredibly beaten down and then when the sup when the Soviet Union just uh very abruptly uh you know capitulated it was like there was no it was like it was like an intellectual vacuum you know and this was before uh consumer internet was a thing you know uh I mean it was very nassent okay and even the people who did have it it's not like there was it's not like there was an abundance of resources on there you know it It was techies and stuff, you know, kind of doing their thing, but it's not like you could just, you know, seek out, you know, it's not like you just read like Joseph de Maestra's, you know, letters from St. Petersburg, you know, in its entirety, or you could just read Imperium or read Oswwell Spangler or read, you know, um, you know, entire revisionist text, you know, critiquing, uh, you know, critiquing the Nerburgg trials piece by piece for free online. You know, it's like you were you were truly limited to what was at your local library. Okay.
Yeah.
>> And that had become very politicized since the 60s, too, like everything else. So that can't really be overstated, you know, and um there was a handful >> interesting because back in the 90s, sorry.
>> No, no, you go ahead. I just wanted make that point. Go ahead.
>> Yeah. I mean, back in the 90s, here's the thing is that we have now, especially younger guys, have a kind of um view of what it was like in the 80s and 90s and early 2000s that is sort of conditioned by the history that has followed th that time.
But you and I are old enough to remember what it was like during that time. Um and yes, it's absolutely true that we did have the end of history phenomenon where after the collapse of the co after the the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war once the Berlin wall came down there was a feeling in the air that basically all right well all of the debates have been concluded now and it's liberal democracy and that is just the final form of government that people are going to live under right that was definitely in the air but there was something else going on as well. There was a countercurrent in there was a zeitgeist that was not underground by any means at all and it was manifested itself in the culture. It manifested itself in the um the popular culture and especially in music, in hip hop and in grunge and in all of these uh quote countercultural movements that were actually quite mainstream that understood at a very deep level at a gut level that something is deeply wrong with society. Here we are in 1992 after the Berlin Wall has come down.
Basically all of history has has history has been vindicated in us. We are the final form of history and yet pe people understood at a at a gut level that there was something rotten at the foundations of society and the society was to be rejected. This was this was at the you know the number one you know uh Billboard uh magazine number one single something like smells like teen spirit or something like that was effectively insinuating this idea into the cultural space. So why is that? Why is it that at the height of the the the victory of the the forces of liberal modernity did we understand that there was something wrong? Well, I would say that it comes back to sort of what we were talking about where all of a sudden, you know, these things that had been absolutely taken for granted for the first 99.8% of human existence from the beginning of humans anatomically modern humans to today had suddenly had to be defended.
Patriarchy um you know u traditional gender roles and so on and so forth. All these things had to be defended. And this is of course very alarming at at at a deep level at at a very um you know under the surface you kind of understand that there's something wrong here. And so when these things have to be uh defended like you you you just you realize that you know I I mean okay so we in the dissident space as as right-wing dissident in a way I I mean we're obviously facing immense forces that are uh counterveailing against us and and and basically sort of you know lead we're backed into a corner. We're we're certainly the underdog here, but we also have the most defensible position imaginable in another way. Basically, what has built everything from the ground up for the last 200,000 years of social reality is what we stand for.
This should be the most secure M and Bailey position imaginable, right? It should be extremely easy to defend something like patriarchy. Uh and so we are certainly arguing on the right side of these things. Um but for us like it's the actual doing of it is another thing because these things have never really been had to be justified before on a principled basis on a philosophical basis on a basis of the history of ideas. So this is the work that we're doing. We're breaking new ground in a way but at the same time we're also um you know we're defending something that's extremely wellworn. So, it's kind of an interesting position to be in.
>> Yeah. And I wanted to say too that uh Yeah. a couple things. You know, it's fascinating too cuz Yeah. to your point in 1992, you know, when the LA riots jumped off like Tom Mezer, you know, he was he was he was kind of a crass guy and and son of a man you love to hate kind of type, but he actually, you know, in in like the in white nationalist circles, he was about the only guy in those days I I really had had a lot of esteem for like uh you know, I'm not talking about guys like in IHR and guys who uh you know were were like JP Russian and stuff. I'm talking about like street level dudes who were like just white nationalists. like he was about the only kind of plain spoken guy among them who uh I I I thought seemed normal and and like a guy I I I'd want to uh you know associate with and like I said I I subscribed to his newsletter periodically. Okay. But he he made the point in '92 on one of those dumb talk shows that pre- internet was kind of the the primary um you know discursive platform for a for a kind of soundbite culture. you know, he made the point he's like, you know, if if we live in this utopia, like why why are blacks and whites at each other's throats in LA and like the US Marines are being deployed there, you know, like I thought history was over and that, you know, this was a perfect government, you know, and uh and of course like the common, you know, the refrain, the rebuttal from like Rodani or whatever would be like, well, that's because of institutional racism, sir.
And would be like, but you guys control the institutions, so like why aren't you resolving this? you know, and like it uh it it seems like I mean obviously was met being an obuse troll, but he that happens to be 100% correct.
>> Yeah.
>> And um >> I'll uh I'll also uh I'll also say that you know to your point about uh to your point about the basic uh uh you know unnatural character of of what the enemy is trying to accomplish.
You can you can try to pervert kind of the human form uh socially. you know, what what its kind of instinctive uh habits are and its extinctive social preferences are, but uh it'll it'll always kind of snap back into place.
Okay? And I make that point to people again and again. And I encourage people not to spend a whole lot of time on Twitter and you know or watching MSNBC or something or because you know the fact is that yeah there's always going to be uh a mass number of people who are literally natural slaves who are basically malible but we don't want those people and we don't need those people. You know we got to we got to look at ourselves as the vanguard and we got to look at ourselves as something of an elite. you know, not in terms of we're so smart and we're we're aristocrats, but we're people who are capable of apprehending these things and we're people who are willing to make the sacrifices to preserve these things perennially. Okay? So, that does make us a vanguard and that does make us elite in the sense of, you know, our willingness to to to bear the burden of uh of political warfare. Okay? We don't want the lower middle class. We don't want soccer moms who have dumb ideas. is we don't want mega guys who love Israel and, you know, don't really think of anything beyond, you know, like what what they're going to what they're going to eat at Buffalo Wild Wings when Friday comes. Okay. Um, and even we had those people. What the hell would we do with them?
>> Yeah. Well, I mean, I I think that like there is we are elite in in a way and we shouldn't be we shouldn't be afraid to affirm that. We we absolutely are in in that we are the people who know what needs to be done, know that something needs to be done and have a a a good idea of the at least the first steps towards doing those things. But at the same time, you know, being like as we could think of ourselves, a kind of elite or a vanguard is another just another synonym for that. Um, we have to have a sense of no bless oblige where the mega guy who like is just kind of thinking about like what it is he's going to watch on Netflix today and and you know what kind of beer he's going to drink on Saturday that is he's not a bad person and he's not to be looked down upon for that. This is what normal people should be able to do or at least in some sense. I mean it's kind of trivialized. They should certainly have higher aspirations than that. But the idea is that we we need to defend him.
He needs to be like we need to be his champion basically. Not to not to, you know, defend him in his trivialities, but we need to be looking out for his interests as well. And that's kind of where the no bless comes along. We need to be that. That's that's part of being a legitimate elite is is actually having the interests of the people um in in in mind as well.
>> Oh, no. Definitely. One of the big Yeah.
One of the big one of one of the things that's perverse about secular humanism and and uh and uh what what what the regime calls democracy, which in fact is the opposite of it, is that it doesn't allow people to be what they are. You know, it's like, you know, you're going to you're going to lock up black people for not acting like middle class white people. you know, you're going to demand that like the man in the street, he's supposedly he's supposed to develop from like reading newspaper headlines, he's supposed to develop some, you know, some some informed and meaningful idea about war and peace in Central Asia or something like that's ridiculous and it's it's not and it's and it's not it's not fair to them. Yeah. I mean, people need to be >> left uh to uh you know, be allowed to prosper and flourish within with within their own sort of cast and within their with within the parameters of their own abilities. Definitely. I um we're coming up on the hour here. What I wanted to drop real quick uh is uh when uh in the intro, the point I made about this date um September 18th, it's uh Francis Parker Yaki's birthday. He was born uh September 18th, 1917. And I mean obviously Yaki is a thinker who has had a tremendous impact on my life. And um whether one's a Yaki afficionado or not um you know the fact is he had a remarkable precedence in what he was discussing um and uh he he had almost an augur sensibility of how the political map would develop and and and how and how the dialectical process would would resolve. Um and he uh he wrote an essay that's very difficult to find now called in the year 2000. Not to be confused with I think Alvin Tooffler wrote one of a similar or even identical title but um the uh Russia as uh you know abandoning Marxist Lenism entirely and and and America becoming you know the the uh an occulted uh um standard bearer of uh of of the successor to revolutionary communism. um in uh you know Contra Russia which had reverted to its kind of traditionalist uh if in some and frankly primitive I don't mean that in punitive terms uh you know status quo um that's fascinating I mean we in in 2022 almost 23 we might say that well oh of course that's what was going to happen look Yaki was writing this in 1959 okay I mean nobody thought that that was going to happen it was it was it was so it it was so outside the scope of what most people considered to be uh um you know historically possible or at all at all probable that it was almost viewed as crankish. Okay, so just keep that in mind that um uh the uh if uh I mean I don't think anybody who does what we do is in this for clout. Um but that's not what I'm getting at. But I think a lot of guys are sometimes feel like throwing their hands up and saying that you know like nobody you know nobody takes seriously these ideas uh macro level. I mean, you know, like why am I wasting my time? It's like, well, I mean, if the the historian, the political soldier, the revisionist or and some some people are all all of the above. Um, you often will not live to see uh the fruits of your labor. Okay, that's, >> you know, that's that's what uh O'Brien when he's still playing a sympathetic uh >> paternal figure to to uh to Winston Smith in 1984, you know, that's what he tells them like don't expect to live to see the the fruits of your labor as a revolutionary or as a dissident. Well, I mean that's that's a perennial uh truth, but I final thoughts because like I said on the on the pods, I I try not to go over an hour by much. Uh but I I want to hand it over to both of you fellas for your final thoughts, but this this has been really great, Mike. And I I want us to record again. Um I've got a the next episode I've I'm uh I'm recording a panel of sorts on on this on the strategic situation in Ukraine. But um uh my dear friend uh to whom I I owe Ace for bring making our acquaintance uh or acquainting us with one another, Jack Burton, um he he said he's willing to to come on the pod in a couple weeks. And if if you would join us too again, Mike, I mean, that would be dope. Okay. But don't feel pressured in any way. But I I think that >> absolutely.
>> Yeah, I think that would be great. And uh Jack uh he's an ACE's age codery and you know he's he's he's another another solid solid young guy and um yeah, I think that would be great. But um either you guys, what are your any final thoughts on what we've been talking about here?
>> Yeah, I I'll I just want to respond to what the point that you were just making about how sometimes it seems like people are not listening. Sometimes it seems like we're just kind of, you know, blowing hot air into like a a vacuum that nobody is paying attention to these ideas. Wrong. This is absolutely wrong.
People are paying very close attention to what we're doing. Important people are watching what's going on in this sphere. I can I can attest to this. Um they are absolutely paying attention. Um so it's important what we're doing h matters. what we're doing has historical we we can we are situated within a historic world historical uh movement that that will eventually be studied centuries from now and this includes public figures within the movement and includes the movement as a whole. So I I do want to sort of respond because I don't want anyone to think that I skirted the the question here which is kind of related about being um a public figure in the dissonant right or starting a dissonant business. Um the reason why I did it is because someone needed to do it. Um I I figured I I mean in in some sense I I kind of got into it, you know, like the dog chasing the car didn't think he was going to catch it. Um, but at the same time I I was well aware that it could go in this direction, that it could blow up and it could become successful. And I and I thought to myself, how can I look my kids in the face after, you know, decades of degeneration that I've seen over my life and that will undoubtedly continue into their lives before it gets better. How could I look them in the face and say, "I did nothing." Uh, the answer is I couldn't. So I mean this is it's important. What we're doing is important. What we're doing matters and we do have an audience beyond what we think. So starting a distant business can be done. You have to be careful. Uh you have to know what you're doing. You have to be skilled. You have to understand your craft. But to kind of circle back to the whole um I the whole point of the discussion what we what we talked about uh you also have to know what you stand for, right? You you think about what that that um uh that um that that that sort of thought experiment that you you you floated before about the the neofascist magazine with an audience of 200 in the 1980s.
>> Uh that audience has now grown to an audience of tens of thousands maybe hundreds of thousands. Um so this is a platform. You have a you have a platform. Uh what are you going to say?
What is it that you stand for? What is the animating principle or principles behind what you're doing? This is why the history of ideas matters. Now, we're not going to get a chance to talk about um to make the distinction between philosophy in the sense of metaphysics and and in the sense of uh the history of ideas. Uh I I certainly lean much more toward the latter uh as as being important. But to give you the kind of upshot now, skipping over all of that, um, what you need to do is basically go back and read the western cannon. You need to go back and read Homer, Virgil, Dante, Shakespeare, work your way up to Spangler and to Yaki, and to all these guys. And really what we're doing here as a movement, but also Imperium Press as a kind of microcosm of that is we are reframing the cannon. The question is, I mean, the cannon is too big. There's too many things in it. There's that not all of it hangs together coherently. And the question is what goes, what stays? Is it all compatible? Well, it's not. What is it that we're going to keep? And what are we going to throw out? This is what why we have to work out what our imperatives are. What are we commanded to do? Who can we take as an authority?
Whose authority trumps whose? And this reframing of the cannon, this is going on in the right. This is going on right now within the academy within Harvard and Yale and Princeton and all these you know Oxford and all these institutions and we are losing we are losing that battle. Resentful subhumans are canceling out these absolute titans that you know they they've they're not they're not teaching Greek and Latin anymore in class.
>> But at the same time I mean they're they're kind of cancelelling themselves out of relevancy. Like I make that point to people a lot.
>> Yeah. They're replacing all these they're replacing Shakespeare with third rate material to shore up their intersectional loser ideology and the work of the dissident right. What we're doing is we're reclaiming, we're refraraming and we're renovating the cannon. This is the work that Imperium Press is doing. This is the work that our whole movement is doing. This is our mission and the mission is bigger than Imperium Press. But I like to think that we as a movement have made a start here and absolutely it will come. it will have consequences down the line that cannot be foreseen. So just know that that you are engaged in a world historical struggle and it matters.
>> Yeah. No, that was splendidly stated and uh and very profound and very true. And I particularly your point that there's far too many guys I'm talking to guys of ability, you know, saying, you know, it's the it's the it's the cliche, well, somebody ought to be doing X or somebody ought to be doing Y. It's like what do you It's like you ought to be doing this, man. you know, I mean, not not everybody's got, you know, the the the ability to to create a successful business like you have. Not everybody is, you know, suited to doing what I do in this kind of content brand. But, I mean, there's plenty of things I'm not suited to that, you know, other guys are. It's like, well, if it's if your skill set is such that you can be contributing something, it's, you know, stop stop saying somebody ought to be doing [ __ ] or stop acting like >> everybody has a skill. Everybody can contribute. We don't just need guys who are good at having opinions and we don't need we don't need like all philosophers. We also need guys who can run security at events. We need guys who are networkers. We need guys who are accountants. We need guys who are lawyers. We need guys who can do web design.
>> There's all kinds of stuff that we can do. And what you were saying at the beginning that you need to basically put your money towards uh people like in the in the right that people who agree with you on things. We have a saying in the focus community which is support focus economy. Basically what you need what you need to do is you need to give your money to people who who don't hate you.
And um building up this community is that is as radical as any like radical philosophical critique could ever be.
>> Yeah. Yeah. No doubt. No doubt. Well well put. And uh yeah that's where the rubber meets the road. That's that's exactly what that's exactly the ethos people need to adopt. What's uh what's your take, Ace? You got anything to add in closing here?
>> Yeah, I just want to confirm that, you know, we're on a positive trajectory here. I know a lot of people don't see a lot of the progress visibly, but I don't want that to discourage people from saying that, you know, the the odds are stacked against us, so why even compete?
I think uh we're competing in a lot of different areas. It's just not ones that are getting publicity because that's not what people in here should be in for.
Yeah. No, no, absolutely. Absolutely.
No, this was this was fantastic, fellas.
I really really appreciate you lending your time and your insights. And like I said, um uh I'm saying not just not just uh for you, but for the benefit of the listeners. Um we're going to record uh we're going to record next on the subject of Ukraine. Um I I I I'm blessed I we will be blessed with the contributions of a couple fellows who you know are going to be familiar to the listeners who have got real real insight into military affairs but subsequent yeah we we'll take up this conversation again uh probably in about 3 weeks um and uh again I can't uh I can't thank you enough. Um volume two of uh my science fiction series Steel Storm will be dropping imminently. Um, and again, I can't thank Mike and Imperium Press enough for for publishing my brand. And um, I am very honored by that. And um, any uh, anything you want to plug, Mike?
Uh, where where can people find you and uh, and your work product as well as Imperium Press's uh, um, catalog and anything else you might want to plug, you know?
>> Well, for this like, you know, thank you for the the wonderful compliments about how good I of a businessman I am. The one thing I'm not good at is marketing and shilling. Um, I always forget, so thank you for reminding me. Um, you can find us, the audience can find us at imperiumpress.org.
Um, and we have just recently dropped um, just the other day we actually dropped a volume of poetry by an excellent poet in our sphere. We really, we really need to do like, you know, philosophy and history of ideas matters, but culture matters, too. And this guy's poetry is excellent. I had actually approached him before he approached us and interested in what he's doing. His name's Arthur Powell. So, if you go to our website, you'll see that that's the newest book that's dropped. Um, I I think that that is really important.
Another one that recently came out that you actually wrote the introduction for, Thomas, is George Sell's Reflections on Violence. Now, uh, I wanted to talk today about sci-fi as a genre that like approximates the Selian myth. We obviously are not going to get there. Um but definitely reflections on violence is a is a very important text. Uh the notion of of myth as the kind of like um expression of a determination to act.
This is this is an important concept for guys to digest. Sorell is super important to our movement. So yeah, we've got we've got that. And the only other thing I'll plug before we go is uh my newish podcast that's been going for a few months called Culture Dads where Dave Martell and I, another right-wing Chad in our movement.
>> Yeah, Dave's a great guy.
>> We don't really talk much. Well, we do talk about theory. Actually, we talk a lot about theory, but really what it is is it the the emphasis is on culture. We we just recently dropped an episode doing a deep dive into old school hiphop. Uh, we've done episodes on um the romantic movement. We've done episodes on reviewing particular movies.
Our our first episode was a deep dive into The Godfather. Uh, we basically talk about cultural stuff that applies to nationalist politics and and our thing. So, I'm very proud of this podcast. I think it's excellent. Uh, you can find that if you go to our website.
And yeah, there's there's lots of stuff happening in the Imperium camp. There's there's content coming out our ears everywhere. So definitely go and check that out. There's a lot for guys to digest and and and to check out.
>> Yeah, that's fantastic. And yeah, the I I mean every I'm a huge fan of everything Imperium does. And yeah, I I I can attest the fact the Culture Dance Pod podcast is is dope. Um and yeah, Dave Dave's a good guy and a nice guy.
He's also a really funny guy and I I get a kick out of his takes and for sure >> and they're they're insightful and yeah.
Yeah, I I'm I'm kind of a pop culture head. Um you know, the the history there in and stuff. I mean, as you know, and and yeah, in closing, yeah, that that's that's a fantastic idea, man. Um dealing with the dealing with um dealing with Cerelion ontology and science fiction.
Um and we will take that off, I promise.
Uh when we uh when we um when we meet again uh for a dedicated episode, which will be in about three weeks, I promise.
But once again uh I want to thank uh I want to thank the subscribers uh sincerely for uh supporting uh Mind Phaser. Uh the fact that people subscribe to this um and the fact that people you know buy my books that are put out by Imperium that is what makes this possible. Uh we don't take donations. People buying the content is is what uh is what keeps uh what I do alive and that is freaking huge. It's a great honor. Uh just in closing real quick, um I uh we're launching the YouTube channel which is uh Thomas TV uh at the end of the month. Um I got to talk to uh I got to talk to my partners in crime uh this next week and get a and get a and get a firm launch date. But uh I mean the channel exists, but there's no content there yet. Just look for uh Thomas 777 in parentheses Thomas TV on YouTube. It is there. Go ahead and join it if you like what we do. And um that I'll I'll I'll there'll be a big announcement uh you know when when we launch, but it'll be this month. And uh that's all I got. Again, uh stay up people, be good, and uh we will uh we will be back in a couple weeks.
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