Research indicates that political violence in the United States is predominantly rising from the left, with approximately 25% of very liberal individuals expressing affinity for political violence compared to only 3% of very conservative individuals. This phenomenon is linked to the erosion of social trust, which is built upon shared cultural heritage, moral principles, and common values that create cohesive societies. Mass migration from low-trust societies can undermine this social fabric, as different cultural norms regarding government and community relations may conflict with established American values. The radicalization process requires a combination of a small percentage of true believers (approximately 5%) and a larger group of moderately sympathetic individuals (approximately 20%) who provide permission for radical actions, creating a permission structure that enables political violence to emerge.
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Deep Dive
THEY’RE SAYING IT OUT LOUD NOWAdded:
There is a scourge of political violence and and it is rising in the United States and it is predominantly coming from the left. Multiple shows polls have shown that multiple polls have shown that more leftist people who identify as very liberal have an affinity for political violence than than those who identify as very conservative and the difference is astounding. It's about 25% of very liberal versus about 3% people who identify as very conservative. So it's incredibly skewed towards the left.
>> I'm told we have Brandon Gillready, congressman out of Texas. Welcome back to the show, congressman.
It's good to be here. Thanks for having me. Man, you've been on fire lately and >> [clears throat] >> really been fun to watch some of what you've been doing whether it's the congressional testimony on abortion, which we're going to play that clip in a second, talking about immigration, talking about domestic issues. You've been laser-focused.
In the segment before we were talking about these May Day protests where you got 20 plus school districts, major school districts in the biggest metropolitan areas of the country walking out. And one of the things you've been talking about as well, congressman, is this scourge of political violence, the rise of political violence. And so I'm going to play a clip. This was some of our Turning Point Frontlines journalists. I believe it's in Los Angeles and these they get accosted instantly. And Charlie's name is invoked. I'll play it for you. Stop 14.
Congressman, what do you think when you see just that level of vitriol in our country?
I mean, first of all, that it's kind of amazing how deranged you have to be to start shouting at college students about somebody who's already been assassinated. I think that that's a level of kind of darkness that most Americans aren't used to in our political system.
But there is a scourge of political violence and and it is rising in the United States and it is predominantly coming from the left. Multiple shows polls have shown that multiple polls have shown that more leftist people who identify as very liberal have an affinity for political violence than than those who identify as very conservative and the difference is astounding. It's about 25% of very liberal versus about 3% people who identify as very conservative. So it's incredibly skewed towards the left.
But this is something this this is becoming kind of the new political environment that conservatives are operating under, one where whenever you go to a college campus, you you expect from the very beginning that you're going to have not only protesters, but people coming to disrupt you and and at times engage in just blatant acts of violence.
It's it's sad that we've gotten this point, but this is something that is coming from the left. It is endlessly. I mean, you and I you and I were both at at Dartmouth at the same time. I think we were both there at the time when they ran over you might remember when they ran over our pro-life display with a car to channel a 15-year-old memory. It's it's very much and actually we were saying this before you came on. These May Day protests established to commemorate a day where left-wing anarchists threw bombs at police in Charlie's hometown in Chicago.
There's this long history of left-wing street violence, left-wing agitation, let's just say left-wing hate and it's it's bubbling up and it's getting a lot of endorsement from their movement leaders and from their political leaders.
It it is and you know, I think that it's something that there is a long history there. I mean, think about the the political left in the United States is kind they are the inheritors of a an ideological movement who has roots in the violence and bloodshed of the French Revolution that then developed throughout revolutions in Europe over the 19th century that gave was given further sort of political movement in the the Russian Revolution. I mean, this is a an ideology that for most of its history, at least as it's intellectual inheritance has been rooted in violence and has been made has been violently manifested over time.
For for so long in the United States that we've we've been able to sort of operate against a left-wing movement that did stay away from from acts of political violence. I mean, that is something that is somewhat novel as part of the American experiment at least in in modern history, but that is something that that the left has embraced over the past several hundred years as a political movement and it's a major problem. I mean, this is what most countries deal with and we're we're getting to deal with it here in the United States as well.
Yeah, congressman, something we we talk about on the show is the Brazilification, if you will, of the United States from the increased immigration from the third world. It seems like we're losing our moorings, our our connections to the founding documents and our founding creeds and the values that have made America great for for so long and you've been on top of this topic as well. I it's hard not to see a connection between the changing demographics, the the the I guess you would call it the the fraying at the edges of the social contract. How connected do you see those two things being? Just the the the the mass invasion level of immigration since especially the 1990s and now you're starting to those those chickens are coming home to roost, it seems like in some sense. Or or am I misplaced? Am I am I am I am I misidentifying some of these root causes?
No, I I I think that's right. You know, there's something that I I know you guys have talked about and conservatives are are now starting to talk quite a bit about and it's called social trust and it's the idea that you can you have some basic level of trust with people within a society that you don't even know, that you've no real connection to other than that you share certain cultural bonds. And that's something that we've enjoyed for so long in the United States and that's because we've had a similar heritage and we share a similar conception of American history and a shared vision of where America is to go in the future that we have shared basic moral and religious principles with each other and that creates a cohesive society where you you don't typically have to deal with either political violence or issues like Somalis defrauding you because we all have a basic agreement that we don't do that to one another even if we don't know each other. And I think that that that social trust is something that's really easy to take for granted because it's not something that you see or or you know, you you don't see the opposite in daily life. It's something that's just kind of there, but it's one of those intangible building blocks of civilization that is eroded by mass migration. Whenever you bring people in from low-trust civilization, low-trust societies where for take Somalia for the as an example where the common method of dealing with government to the extent government exists in Somalia is to try and get as much as you possibly can where there's very little reciprocal agreement between the the the people of Somalia and the government of Somalia where there isn't really a body politic that believes that it owes anything to anybody else.
Whenever you bring those people into the United States and they bring those third world low-trust customs you should expect to see that to happen in the United States and that's one of the key reasons why you see the the Somali community in Minnesota that has a massively high welfare usage while at the same time defrauding taxpayers to just an absurd degree. And I think that that's a lot more common and there was a DailyWire story this morning and then I think we're going to find out that is that behavior is a lot more common in the United States >> We should have the reporter Luke is going to be joining the show tomorrow at 1:00 1:00 p.m. Eastern. So if you guys want to hear deep deep dive on that story, we're going to be covering it tomorrow.
>> is sad. As you said, it used to be the discussion was that among the left they would complain, "Oh, the United States doesn't have doesn't have a strong radical labor movement. Doesn't have a strong antifa left-wing street violence." And one of the things they also complained about was Americans were too self-reliant. It was in the past it was difficult to get them to sign up for programs. Well, they have solved that problem. We import from abroad just so we can sign them up for programs they don't qualify for.
And it's it's a stark reflection of decline, but we are very glad to have congressman like yourself who will who will speak honestly about it because for a long time it was difficult to have that as well. Yeah, and there there's a new working paper out of UCLA by political psychologist Samuel Pratt. And I'm I'm just getting deep into it, but basically it's this idea of he's identifying the fact that really what you need is about 5% of the population to be true believers. These would be the Hasan Pikers and then you get this additional 20% of the population that are sort of moderately sympathetic to these radical ideas, but then they give it license, right? They create the permission structure. This is why Hasan doing these these interviews in, you know, New York Times and kind of, you know, generating sympathy from the additional 20%. That's really what it takes to get a revolution. Is it's 5% radicals plus 20% and they tend to be these people that are the demographic profile of these high scorers is really precise. They tend to be young, female, non-white, and politically liberal.
Well, uh so we have a massive problem. I think on multiple issues here Congressman, but and we're going to continue this conversation as I said at this break, but we have a a radicalization problem with young women.
A lot of them do tend to be white uh but non-white as well. And then you have uh a young cohort that's been has been, you know, brought into this country that's finding political common cause with this radical fraction. And so you get about 25 to 30% of the population that's truly radicalized or giving permission to the radicals. And that's why you have Hasan that has called for political violence against conservatives being interviewed in the illustrious pages of the New York Times.
So it's a huge problem. Congressman, stay right there. Uh I want to continue on. Uh also this abortion clip that went viral was just so good. Uh what what do we have guys?
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