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Trump Republicans LOSE SURPRISE TEXAS and OHIO ELECTION by BIG MARGIN!Added:
The first thing you're going to see, I think, is Republican controlled southern states target the congressional districts that black people represent. I mean, you have Tate Ree in Mississippi saying already calling to eliminate the only majority black house district um in Mississippi is one of the blackest states in the nation, and we're going to see more of that, I think, is the immediate moves. Do you suspect?
>> Yeah, I certainly do. I think I've I saw before I came on that Louisiana was thinking about postponing its election for this year. Again, Chris, we should remember that, you know, uh Louisiana, Georgia, and Mississippi had no black representatives, uh, you know, in 1970, right? And these are places where the black population, you know, in Mississippi was 35%. So, if we're thinking that it can't happen, we should know that quite recently before the Voting Rights Act, uh, that's what we had. and the 1982 amendments which essentially is what the court really uh struck struck down. They will say they didn't strike it down but they did. They struck down the effects test. This is something that justices on this court have been against for 40 years. John Roberts was a lawyer in the Department of Justice fighting against the 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act, calling them a radical experiment. uh he was the point person in the department of justice to try and defeat this amendment to the voting rights act in 1982. Uh it's taken him decades but now he has he has defeated it. But the point of the amendment was that they understood that southern jurisdictions were wising up and they were not on the record saying explicitly racist things and so they needed to change the test to allow people to be able to get at discrimination as it presented itself at that time. So, what we're seeing now is just the court finally getting what they wanted, at least what some members of them have wanted for some time, which is to create this insurmountable barrier to black voters who are seeking to have their voice and their representation, not just in Congress, but think about your city council districts, your county commission districts, your judicial districts. every place where there is districtricting that has allowed for black and of course Latino also representation is going to have to be on alert and um looking for how we manage to keep um black voices having power in the political sphere. One of the things I think that's difficult about covering this court, the court in general in this court is it it can, you know, when we cover Donald Trump or we cover the Republicans in the Senate or the Republic, you know, other electeds, right? There's some sense in which >> there's this kind of democratic agency, right? Like a bunch of Republicans are going to stand for office in the midterms and >> if you're really unhappy with the direction of the country, right? Like people can express that. With the court, it it always I always feels like I'm sort of bashing my head against a brick wall a little bit. Um, today is one of those days where it feels that way to particularly like how how do you think about what needs to be done if and when Democrats have power again to change this court that feels incredibly out of control?
>> Well, I I I don't want viewers to think even that what the court did today was just terrible from a kind of ideological democratic standpoint in terms of thinking about minority political representation. I do want them also to know that the Supreme Court ran rough shot over its own precedents including precedents including one from just a couple of years ago which it tries to explain away so that it can get away with doing what it's doing. I think it's important for them to see that the court itself raised this question below. It wasn't even a question that was being litigated by the parties. I think it's important for people to see that they're essentially rewriting a statute that was written by Congress in 1982 and passed on a bipartisan basis because they didn't like it. I want them to see the excesses of this court so that when and if Democrats do get power, which they say they want after the midterms, they understand that Supreme Court reform has to be at the top of the list.
>> I love Ohio. We'll never let you down. I swear. I promise.
>> 4 days. They're all heading off to vote.
>> Yeah.
>> 900 miles.
There you go. That's much better.
>> Red Sox might need a backup catcher.
>> And one giant question is Donald Trump's mega coalition cracking.
Entering Ohio, the Mahoning Valley.
Gritty, bluecollar union. Reliably democratic for decades. No more people like this, places like this are part of how Trump has changed America. Ohio changed from a competitive purple state to a Trump red state because of the magic of his coalition here. But as we head into the midterms, the jobs he promised are not here. The revival in American manufacturing he promised is not here. Chris Anderson is the Mahoning County Democratic chairman. his midterm bet. Enough Trump voters will be part of electing Ohio's first Democratic governor in 15 years and part of flipping a critical Senate seat from red to blue. They got conned by a con man.
You're the Democrat, so you're supposed to say that. What What do you see that tells you that things are different?
>> Well, I mean, drive around Mahoneying County uh for, you know, for 8 years there were Trump signs on every corner.
There were flags. You couldn't go to a grocery store without seeing those red MAGA hats. Um I'd challenge you to find one. It's true these are hard to find now. Maybe a clue, but hardly enough to answer the is mega cracking question.
This is local 1112 United Auto Workers, Lordstown, Ohio. Ground zero in the local debate about trusting Trump.
General Motors made cars here for 5 decades. Thousands of good union jobs.
But the Lordstown plant closed in 2019 despite a first-term Trump promise it would stay open. Foxcon built this new factory on the GM site, but its workforce is non-union, and the factory is mostly idle now as the company decides what's next. Nearby, another new factory sold as Lordstown's New Hope.
Altium Cells, a joint EV battery venture between General Motors and South Korea's LG Electronics.
>> How many guys are working in that factory now?
>> Um, right now all of production is shut down. 1460 of us, I think there were. Um, we're all laid off in January 5th officially.
>> And you don't know until when?
>> Don't know till when.
>> Bob Swagger leads the campaign committee at Local 1112. Everyone here remembers when Trump told them not to sell their homes and later when he said new jobs would replace the GM jobs. The union endorsed Kla Harris, but a big chunk of its voters voted Trump. And then the UAW endorsed Trump's tariffs.
>> They were hopeful that they were going to bring more jobs back to the United States. Um, >> has that happened?
Not that I'm aware of.
>> Manufacturing employment is up a bit of late, but down 80,000 jobs overall since Trump returned to the White House.
American auto manufacturing down 25,000 jobs in Trump's second term.
>> Do you believe in 2026 the Democrats could actually win statewide for the Senate and win statewide for governor in Ohio?
>> Yes.
>> Mark Skines served overseas in Kosovo, Iraq, and Afghanistan. was drawn to the Tea Party and then Trump after leaving the army.
>> I let myself I don't want to say get radicalized or anything, but I was was very rightwing.
>> Skines had a change of heart in 2020, calls himself an independent and is backing Democrats this year because he now views Trump and MAGA as dangerous to democracy.
>> Back on the road, heading south, Portsouth is in Sciota County along the Ohio River across from Kentucky. Trump won 74% here last time. Dale King was already wavering on Trump. The Iran War, the last straw. King opened his Portsouth gym 16 years ago after returning home from two tours in Iraq.
>> It's crazy cuz that's like uh it's 20 years ago.
>> His office is full of military momentos and showing it to a visitor stir emotion.
>> Like it's weird. I don't 20 years and then I we're dealing with Iran.
So it's like what the is it's just a it's a unique uh timing thing. Guys are trying to navigate their own healing journey and now it's like okay we it's it's scratching that scab again.
>> Right. King voted for Trump in 2016, again in 2024, but he's voting for Democrats in 2026 because he believes the country needs to send Trump a midterm message. I am pro- military and I am I am we have a strong need to protect this country. I know there are threats and I know there are enemies that want to see the downfall of this country, but you can't can't be flippant about war. Can't you cannot.
>> Conversations with friends here and fellow veterans across the country convince him big change is coming. the shines kind of coming off the the Trump presidency really kind of see through the true core of who he is versus what he campaigned on.
>> John, what other issues besides the war do Democrats think could help them in Ohio?
>> Well, Anderson, as you saw at the top of the piece, and here's the map from 2024.
Look, Donald Trump won 81 of 88 counties. 81 of 88 in Ohio. So, be skeptical about the Democratic chances.
But the war in Iran maybe taking some people like Dale King away. The manufacturing jobs the president promised. There are some, but there's no big renaissance like he promised. But you see the 81 of 88. This is the map Democrats think gives them hope.
Anderson, uh, half of the counties in Ohio, more than half of them. Your costs, the cost of your energy, the cost of your housing, the cost of your groceries are running ahead of your wages. So of the 88 counties, more than half. That's what the Democrats think, not just in Ohio, but across the country. But the fact that this state is in play after 10 years of being out of play, just that in and of itself tells you this is a very different midterm year.
>> The way I see it, Republicans are pushing this aggressively to weaken the Voting Rights Act because they can read the electoral map. Their coalition is starting to crack in places like Ohio and other states that used to feel reliably safe. The demographic shifts are real. The suburban realignment is real. And this feels less like a confident political movement pressing forward from a position of strength and more like a desperate attempt to lock in structural advantages before the tide turns against them completely. But here is where the strategy could seriously backfire. A lot of voters, including voters who are frustrated with both parties right now, are watching this unfold and seeing it not as a policy disagreement, but as a direct assault on the foundational principle that every eligible American should have an equal voice in their government. That framing is powerful and the anger it generates is not limited to committed Democrats.
People are not exactly thrilled with Democrats either. That honesty matters.
But the frustration directed at Republicans and specifically at Trump feels measurably more intense right now, which is part of why there is growing serious talk about a possible blue wave, even accounting for all the gerrymandering efforts currently underway. One thing genuinely different this cycle is that Democrats appear more willing to fight back on the structural level. For years, one of the most persistent frustrations among Democratic voters was watching their party offer measured criticism while Republicans aggressively rewrote the rules and never really responding in kind. That passivity cost them ground repeatedly.
But now, Democrats are openly signaling they will push back, including countering Republican gerrymandering with their own if necessary. And there are two significant factors that make this threat credible. First, public support. In blue states and even purple states trending blue, Democrats can likely build voter backing for counter gerrymandering by framing it as a proportional response to what Republicans are already doing. The argument practically makes itself, "We did not start this fight, but we are going to finish it." Second, and this is the genuinely ironic twist, weakening the Voting Rights Act could end up hurting Republicans in ways they have not fully calculated. In the south, removing protections could eliminate the majority minority districts that have given black voters meaningful representation. But those same kinds of protected configurations exist in blue states like Illinois, California, and New York. Right now, Democrats in those states often have to preserve those districts, which limits how aggressively they can redraw maps in their own favor.
So, if Voting Rights Act protections disappear nationwide, Democrats in several major blue states could gain significantly more freedom to redraw congressional maps in ways that cost Republicans seats they currently hold.
The very tool Republicans are using to consolidate power in the South could inadvertently hand Democrats an opening in the North that reshapes the national congressional map in ways nobody in the Republican strategy rooms is currently accounting for. The law of unintended consequences does not check party registration before it acts. You are watching Daniel Cave. Hit subscribe right now and help us reach 100,000 subscribers.
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