BU GECE 27 MAYIS DARBESİ'NİN 66. YIL DÖNÜMÜ & CEMAL GÜRSEL'İN BAŞINA KONAN TALİH KUŞU!

Ajouté : 2026-06-01

[00:00:03]Good evening everyone from Bucharest. Today is May 26, 2026. It's Tuesday. We wish everyone a good evening and begin our broadcast.

[00:00:16]Meanwhile, it will start tomorrow. Well, on the occasion of Eid al-Adha, I would like to extend my warmest wishes to the esteemed Turkish nation.

[00:00:30]Even though we're not in a position to celebrate holidays, we still understand these national or religious holidays. Well, it's being postponed with various excuses, this and that is being done, and so on. It's a good thing they don't postpone religious holidays with things like that, locally in some places.

[00:00:50]Therefore, I believe that under no circumstances should the Turkish nation give up the enthusiasm for celebrating its national and religious holidays.

[00:01:04]Although holidays have now largely turned into vacations, thank you, Nurcum 289. Good evening from us, and good evening to you too. With love and respect. Thank you.

[00:01:16]Now, ladies and gentlemen, today, right now, at 7:30 PM, or whatever time it takes until nightfall, in 67 hours we will be entering the 66th anniversary of the May 27th coup.

[00:01:37]Now, if I had to summarize the period that led Türkiye to the 1960 coup in a few sentences, well, I'm not a historian. I'm not going to do a historical analysis or anything like that. Well, in fact, throughout my professional life, all I've ever witnessed was... well, what I saw.

[00:02:00]We defended what we knew. In this regard, based on what I 've read and learned, this is all there is to it.

[00:02:11]I will say this, and we will also discuss the consequences of the May 27 coup. Well, it will shed light on the times we are living in now, or rather, it is already shedding light on them. It really sheds light on the subject.

[00:02:26]Well, the army was dissatisfied, the officers were dissatisfied. The low salaries of military officers have always been cited as a justification for coups, but the truth is, it may or may not exist. The percentage share is 1%.

[00:02:44]Thank you, Mr. Hasan. We, too, sincerely congratulate you, all our viewers, and the Turkish nation on the occasion of Eid al-Adha.

[00:02:56]For example, when Kenan Evren staged the 1980 coup, he said something like, "A nurse earns more than me."

[00:03:04]So, the low salaries of soldiers are being cited as a justification for the coup.

[00:03:11]The same thing happened in the 1950s [cough][clears throat], it was said that officers in the army were paid very little.

[00:03:24]It was even said that Menderes looked down on the military officers. He is also remembered for saying something like, "I run the army with reserve officers," and so on. So, the low salaries of soldiers, to a greater or lesser extent, are also cited as one of the justifications for the May 27th coup.

[00:03:44]They had gathered at work during those days....a group of officers, some of whom weren't generals, some of whom weren't lieutenant generals, and some of the higher- ranking officers, had gathered.

[00:03:58]They made the decision to stage a coup.

[00:04:02]Türkeş describes that period as follows: he says there is a coup being prepared and they are going to carry it out. That's what it looks like. "At that time, I preferred being on the inside rather than on the outside," he says. "I went inside," he says.

[00:04:17]That's how he describes his entry into that committee.

[00:04:20]But since he was the most qualified among them [grumbling], excuse me, I mean, he immediately became the Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry, so there was a coup. Well, the head of state is nowhere to be seen, nor is the prime minister.

[00:04:35]There is a parliamentary system....the parties were shut down, etc., but... the other one, the head of state of Turkey, appointed himself or had himself appointed as the Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry, and as the Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry, there was the Turkish Standards Institute, perhaps with a name change... the State Planning Organization, the Turkish Standards Institute, and the Turkish Statistical Institute, which are said to have been established by Türkeş during his time, and whose absence is felt today.

[00:05:12]My intention is not to praise Türkeş or anything like that. I'll definitely say this.

[00:05:22]These coup plotters are looking for a general for themselves.

[00:05:27]Because in order to present legitimacy and constitutionalism to the outside world, in order to gain acceptance, they are looking for a general. But that general isn't among them. Let 's look at how Cemal Gürsel came to that position. First, let's look at who Cemal Gürsel was up until that day. From 1914 to 1917, he fought as an artillery lieutenant in the 1st Battery of the 1st Artillery Regiment in Çanakkale (Gallipoli).

[00:06:02]After the Battle of Gallipoli, on September 1, 1917, he was appointed commander of the 41st Division Howitzer Battery and sent to the Palestine Front. He served as the commander of the 5th Independent Battery of the 41st Regiment in all the battles on the Palestinian and Syrian fronts. He was captured by the British in September 1919 at the Gaza front. The Gaza problem continues. You know, he was held captive in Egypt for two years. Upon his release on October 6, 1920, he returned to Istanbul and, in the days following the Erzurum Congress, crossed into Anatolia and participated in all the battles of the War of Independence on the Western Front. On May 27, 1960, or rather May 2, 1960, the day of the coup... look, fate and history, and fate, history and fate are two very important elements for these individuals and for nations.

[00:07:07]The situation 25 days before the May 27 coup. On May 2, 1960, while serving as the Commander of the Land Forces, he met with the then Minister of National Defense, Edem Menderes, and conveyed his ideas to him. The next day, he wrote a letter requesting the resignation of President Celal Bayar and the appointment of Adnan Menderes, who was very popular with the people, as his replacement.

[00:07:39]As a result, he is retired.

[00:07:46]They are sent on mandatory leave until the procedures are completed. At this time, Cemal Gürsel, then 66 years old, was a retired soldier trying to settle in İzmir. He was planning to settle in Izmir as a retired soldier. Just then, one morning, the doorbell rang. A young captain, in a flash, relayed the message from journalist Erol Maraş: "My General, I salute you as the Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish Armed Forces, the Chairman of the National Unity Committee, and the head of the revolutionary government."

[00:08:26]I brought greetings from Colonel Türkeç and our friends. Please, go ahead. The Revolutionary Committee wants to see you in your position. We're going to Ankara. Is n't this kind of like a comedy? " I've been assigned to take you," he says.

[00:08:40]I am Staff Captain Muzaffer Özdağ.

[00:08:45]Today's Ümit Özdağ's father, a staff captain, stands at attention.

[00:08:54]According to those who told the story, Gürsel was scared.

[00:08:58]So, two military vehicles full of soldiers arrived at the door in the early morning. He says it could have been a ploy by the political power that forced him into retirement. That's what he thought, but there was nothing he could do but accompany the captain. Three military vehicles were waiting at the gate. He put on his uniform.

[00:09:21]Leaving his wife behind, her eyes filled with fear.

[00:09:25]Hasan Bey [laughs] said, "God said, 'I wouldn't have believed it.' Are you sure, son?"

[00:09:29]I would ask. He said. TRUE. Leaving his wife behind with fearful eyes, he came to Ankara and took his place as the leader of the revolution.

[00:09:41]By chance and by history, 170 days later, on the morning of November 13, 1960, among the 38 members of the coup group who were hastily put on planes and sent abroad as ambassadorial advisors, were Alpaslan Türkeş, who had placed him in the position of coup leader, and Muzaffer Özdağ, the young chief of staff who had conveyed Türkeş's invitation to him.

[00:10:11]In Türkiye, they sent someone to India, and Muzaffer Özdağ to Japan. Then he became president. The day came when he fell ill.

[00:10:24]According to the communist Hikmet Kıvılcımlı, a week before Gürsel Pasha was taken to America and fell into a coma— note the expression, a week before he fell into a coma—he suddenly, like the cry of a swan, shouted that there was a need to establish a communist party in Türkiye, and on the evening of the day he was hastily flown to America, thanks to the cunning of the American experts who brought their own president Kennedy to Kimbur, he fell into a coma from which he would never recover. He's dead and gone.

[00:11:09]This is the situation now.

[00:11:12]The Pasha has arrived. Retired General Türkeş became the leader of the coup thanks to... He became the coup leader. Well, of course, power changes people this time.

[00:11:28]This is what we don't understand, and when we look at what's been happening lately, we should... well, look at it this way. So power changes people.

[00:11:40]Autumn, power itself, means change. So, anyway, Cemal Madanoğlu is sitting there.

[00:11:53]Who is Cemal Madanoğlu? The traitor's grandson or son.

[00:12:01]If you search for "Madanoğlu" on our YouTube channel, Gazete Balkan TV, you'll find it. It is a cautionary tale. So that's Madanoğlu's story.

[00:12:08]He's the leader of that thing. So, he's one of the leading figures among those 38 people.

[00:12:16]Secondly, Türkeş said that he preferred to enter the organization from the outside, as he was one of those who joined later. The rest is nonsense.

[00:12:28]Anyway.

[00:12:29]Well, that's where the disagreement begins. The then-leader of the CHP, well, he was a former soldier, a hero of the War of Independence, a national leader—we just couldn't get rid of that leadership mentality. The National Leader, uh... Pasha İsmet Pasha, wants to meet with Cemal Gürsel.

[00:13:00]He wants to meet with the leader of the revolution, the leader of the coup, the leader of the coup plotters, and that's what Türkiye always does when describing that period. He always says he opposed it.

[00:13:07][muttering] Mr. Hasan said he's right. Are we going to have to walk around with metal detectors, man?

[00:13:14]Who is a traitor and who isn't? Yes. Unfortunately.

[00:13:18]Ah, there's an intuition involved there. What does that intuition tell you?

[00:13:25]The power you need is here. He will give you a hint. Don't worry about it at all.

[00:13:32]So, when you look at the person in front of you without any ulterior motive, with a clear and direct gaze, when you want to look, you will trust your intuition.

[00:13:42]So, that intuition is, of course, directly proportional to knowledge, directly proportional to skills, and so on. Anyway. " Well, Türkeş says, "General, we shut down the Democratic Party. We took its leaders and threw them in jail.

[00:14:05]We sent Celal Bayar to Kayseri. And Menderes, was he in Yassada? He's gone... and while we deem this treatment appropriate for one party, we say, ' Thank you, Doğan Şirine. Thank you, sir. Thank you. Greetings from us too.' He says, 'If we accept İsmet Pasha, if we meet with him, the people won't believe us. We'll lose the people's support.

[00:14:43]Rumors will spread that we're pro-CHP.' He constantly opposes it. In fact, once, İsmet Pasha's requests for meetings were constantly being made. It continues.

[00:14:58]One day, İsmet Pasha gets up and goes directly to Cemal Gürsel's office. He goes to the private secretary's office. Türkeş says that he didn't leave Cemal Gürsel alone for this reason." He was inseparable from him. And then, İsmet Pasha arrived again.

[00:15:18]He was waiting in the private office.

[00:15:20]They were going to meet. Cemal Gürsel said, "I will not turn away a man who has come to my door."

[00:15:24]He says he'll meet with her. Here's what Türkeş is saying, "Don't do that, Pasha," and so on. So, it gets misunderstood. The party is saying that it wouldn't be right for us to accept İsmet Pasha, or the CHP leader, because they're sending some of their leaders to other prisons. In fact, perhaps there's a secret of history involved – I do n't know, I don't have any concrete information about it. A conflict arises between him and Türkeş there, and he pulls out the pistol from his belt.

[00:15:57]Put it on the table and no one can stop you. So, it's said that they pulled guns on each other and things like that.

[00:16:05]I don't know how accurate that is. So, that's one of the things we read and learned when we were young. And then, İsmet Pasha meets with Cemal Gürsel.

[00:16:17]Things take a turn for the worse after this meeting. It says 170 days. After 170 days, or let's say 1015 days, that's approximately 44.5 months, he will purge those 14 people, starting with Türkeş, who were in that seat. Uh, well, it's like a dog that eats its own young somewhere. So, it does that.

[00:16:44]For example, when something happens later, Türkeş's expression is: even the worst democracy is better than the best military coup. Uh, that was his problem. He had something like that. He gave a statement. Now, this is how it all started.

[00:17:02]Of course, a constitution will be drafted. The coup plotters have arrived. A constitution will be drafted. Huge, burly professors—excuse my language, they're as big as donkeys—are marrying Cemal Gürsel.

[00:17:13]What kind of constitution would Her Majesty desire?

[00:17:16]What kind of constitution would Her Majesty desire? We really don't have any lawyers here. I mean, I'm excluding exceptions. They all act like vultures, backed by the state police and the military, and they mistake debt collection lawyers for legal practice. None of them have anyone capable of convincing the politicians. There are exceptions.

[00:17:51]I exempt them from this. But if you were to count them, they wouldn't even fill the fingers of one hand, let alone two.

[00:17:59]So, a constitution was drafted. And who was it later? Someone said something about Nihater, or something like that? That constitution was too much for us, and so on.

[00:18:10]So, one of the consequences of the constitution is that it is described as a very liberal constitution. While the May 27th constitution was in effect, there was a conference every Friday afternoon. Of course, there was indeed a coup by the Pasha.

[00:18:38]There was a conference after he died.

[00:18:43]They gave me a task there too. So, regarding the May 27th constitution, I gave the military this information.

[00:18:53]I gave a lecture. Two weeks, one week, or ten days? Well, we prepared for the conference. We did that. So, it was a forced conference. Forced. The people you're talking to are n't volunteers. Hebze is sleeping.

[00:19:09]I did it that way so they wouldn't keep sitting up and down and falling asleep.

[00:19:11]After that, they criticized me, saying I should be listened to. But besides the mandatory conference, there was also this different conference every Friday. Then they would do it again. Fridays, uh, after death, that's how it went during our military service. Now, this is the constitution that is said to be too much for society. Do you know what happened with that constitution?

[00:19:45]Depending on the thing. For me.

[00:19:48]What happened, in my opinion? Look, I haven't heard this from many people. Nobody looked at it from that perspective either. Perhaps I'm looking at it wrong, or perhaps I'm looking at it incompletely, but I still maintain that opinion. " Now, the peasant is the master of the nation," said Atatürk. Well, we can hear lots of anecdotes about farmers, shepherds, and so on. What do we read? We'll do that.

[00:20:17]After Atatürk, do the statesmen who continued the government possess the same qualities?

[00:20:24]No.

[00:20:28]And what happened?

[00:20:31]Those who fled the War of Independence, those who benefited for free, continue on their way, relying on... well, that's how it all goes.

[00:20:44]We signed a Cultural Agreement with America in 1945. And then there's that nonsense about us giving 500 million lira with state money and so on. And the first change: Good evening, uh, Ms. Fatma, thank you, ma'am.

[00:20:56]Good evening from us too. And things changed.

[00:20:59]Ah, this change, this time it was referred to as... well, in our youth. It was said that villagers and such weren't allowed into Ankara because they were considered dirty. This might be a fabrication, but we sincerely believed it.

[00:21:13]Türkiye was hidden on the radio until the 1960 coup. After that, Nida Tüfekçi, Ahmet Gazi Ayhan, and others put in a lot of effort. Even the fact that the song was played on the radio, uh... repeated, uh... thing, sung on TRT [clears throat], and made open to development, was a kind of uh... thing, a period, I mean, a Jacobin period.

[00:21:47]I'm not sure if "Jacob" is the correct spelling, or what it should be. So, such a period has begun.

[00:21:51]Now, what was that period after that?

[00:21:54]So, aren't these the village institutes that everyone is now praising, hyping up, and raving about? Ok. I'm not saying anything either. Very good. Very good.

[00:22:07]Because teachers who grow up in villages are everything to the villagers, they're like veterinarians for their animals. The doctor, teacher, or physician of the patient in their family, or their child. In fact, there are these villagers, whose hands deserve to be kissed and who are in a position to give money to those who take patients to the doctor in the town that the doctor or teacher cannot treat. I have absolutely nothing to say about village institutes. But there's something there. There are 67 places in Anatolia where Hasan Oğlan is located, uh, in Kayseri, uh, in Pazarören, uh, in Trabzon Fatih. Thank you, sir. May God bless you too, Mr. Hasan. Trabzon Fatih, uh, in Istanbul Çapa, uh, Izmir Buca, there are places like that around here. Well, there were village institutes. The village's smartest child is being taken.

[00:23:18]This village is going after them.

[00:23:20]He is being trained there. What happens next?

[00:23:24]He is sent back to the village as a teacher.

[00:23:27]I mean, I just said it a moment ago. I have nothing to say about their teaching. The intelligent children of the village. The Faculty of Political Science is closed. The law is closed to these children. Did I explain it clearly?

[00:23:45]We've come to talk to the kids from the outskirts of the city.

[00:23:50]They also opened imam hatip schools together with Menderes.

[00:23:57]You take the child away, and then, because they think the non-Muslims are raising them, there were even families during that single-party era who didn't even send their children to school. There are... things. Regarding the Imam Hatip schools that were opened during the Democratic Party era— although it 's said that these schools were opened after 1945 or 1946— Children from conservative families in the outskirts of that city were selected.

[00:24:26]He was taken to the Imam Hatip school.

[00:24:28]He graduated from Imam Hatip school.

[00:24:32]Where did he go? There are 56 higher Islamic institutes in Türkiye.

[00:24:39]He went there. He finished there. What happened?

[00:24:45]Teaching in Imam Hatip schools. Oh, and even within that village institute, children rarely went on to higher teacher training schools [he grumbles], sorry. They also came as teachers of the village. In other words, the children of the poor living in the slums on the outskirts of the city, and the children of the villagers, were kept away from state administration.

[00:25:09]He was kept away from state administration.

[00:25:15]Call it the 1960 revolution, call it a coup, call it whatever you want.

[00:25:19]Yes. I wish you had gone to Kartal Imam Hatip High School too.

[00:25:23]Yes, you're right.

[00:25:25]Now, uh, with that 1960 constitution [clears throat], this path was partially opened.

[00:25:34]So, the children of these groups we've been talking about have also started going to law school. Well, they started going into politics and all that. uh... they started to come to uh... positions and offices related to the administration of the state. So, in my opinion, this is one of the positive and important outcomes of the May 27 coup. No one has ever looked at the event from this perspective. When I wrote and drew this over time, nobody said, " No, friend, you're wrong."

[00:26:14]So, I didn't see anyone saying, "He was just a village boy, and he became a professor," or anything like that, let me tell you. That's the result of the May 27th coup, but of course, the May 27th coup took place 37 years after the founding of the republic. I don't have a clear idea about whether there has been a military coup attempt before or not. But that coup didn't save Türkiye either. That coup didn't save Türkiye either, and... uh... it paved the way for something else. uh... the outer regions, 20 years later, this time in 1900... uh... in 80, there was the Metekin Pasha coup [sighs], that's all. So, tomorrow, on the occasion of the 66th anniversary, this will be one of the things to be commemorated. So what happened that led to Adnan Menderes being mentioned? Of course, that's a very contradictory thing. What is he saying? This general, Cemal Gürsel, uh, the Minister of National Defense, uh, Eten Menderes, says, uh, President Celal Bayar should resign.

[00:27:41]He says Adnan Menderes should be president, and Adnan Menderes is a man famous for both his emotional nature and his resentment.

[00:27:55]He came to our Kırşehir, set up a platform in the square and is giving a speech. Kırşehir was a province with eight districts at that time, and it had been a province since the Seljuk period.

[00:28:08]So, the Ahi organization's center, that is, an important hearth where the essence of Turkishness was nurtured in Anatolia.

[00:28:21]There is a person like Ahi Evram Veli [clears his throat][coughs].

[00:28:25]So, regarding the Ottomans and Osman Bey, there was Sheikh Edebali, who would act as their mentor. The distance between the Sheikh's village and my village is 3 km.

[00:28:39]Such a place. Kırşehir. It also has 8 districts.

[00:28:44]Now, of course, there's also the politician from Kırşehir. Osman Bölükbaşı.

[00:28:50]So, Adnan Menderes came to Kırşehir as prime minister, established a course, and is giving a speech. Bölükbaşı is also arriving at the same time. At 12, it's a bit, well, maybe not very pleasant, but he's reading from a podium opposite. He starts talking too.

[00:29:06]Menderes is left without a soul to support him. Why? Osman Beaş's memory is good.

[00:29:12]So far, the person who has spoken the longest in the Turkish Grand National Assembly is said to be Bülent Ecevit, who gave a similarly long speech. The person who talks the longest, and is so witty, even at election rallies. " You treacherous sons of the Bozok plateau," he says to the people of Yozgat.

[00:29:32]He says you don't have many people trying to test your stem. So, uh, there are large crowds at the rallies, but when it comes to elections, nobody votes for Osman Bölüpşe. He said the same thing. So, he's a witty person, too. He's a decent person.

[00:29:51]Senate Yes. It was established after May 27th. There was no Senate before. So, now, so, what is he doing? In a fit of rage, Menderes immediately had Osman Bölükbaşı arrested as soon as the rally ended. They're throwing him in jail in Keskin. He's going to Ankara in a fit of rage.

[00:30:15]Well, back then Nevşehir was a district, Nevşehir was a district, a district bağlı to Niğde. They're saying things like, "Take us from Niğde and connect us to Kırşehir," and so on. Well, they had some requests. Okay, make Nevşehir a province, and make Kırşehir a district.

[00:30:32]Three out of eight districts remain. Avanos is gone, Ürgüp is gone, Hacı Bektaş is gone, Göreme is gone. Uh, Yerköy is gone up there. And so on and so forth, and so on and so forth, Kırşehir is being made a district of Nevşehir. It stayed like that for 7 or 8 months. So, on the identity cards of those born in 1900 or 5657, it will say "... province Nevşehir" or something like that. So, it has that kind of peculiarity too. Well, he's vindictive. Anyway, may God protect our nation from such coups, arbitrary rule, and those with eloquent tongues. May God protect us from these things. We pray that God protects us from their evil.

[00:31:23]Once again, I wholeheartedly wish everyone a happy Eid al-Adha.

[00:31:30]Goodbye until we meet again tomorrow evening at 7:30 PM. Good evening everyone.