This video captures a Senate hearing where Senator Jeanne Shaheen questions Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth about delayed Ukraine security assistance funding, specifically the $400 million designated for European capacity building that was intended for Ukraine. The hearing reveals tensions between military objectives and political goals, with Shaheen questioning whether the destruction of Iran's defense industrial base has been achieved given that Iran still retains significant drone production capabilities. The exchange highlights the importance of congressional oversight in ensuring military funding is spent according to legislative intent and that strategic objectives are clearly defined and achievable.
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“We Have Not Won This War” – Sen. Shaheen Grills Hegseth on Iran Conflict and Russia’s Role | AC1NAdded:
Uh, Senator Shaheen.
>> Thank you, Madam Chair. Um, and thank you both for being here, all three of you for being here. Um, since your testimony two weeks ago, Secretary Hegsathth, um, before the Armed Services Committee, the department has sent over your legal review, which I appreciate.
Thank you. Um, for use of security assistance funding for Ukraine. However, as was determined earlier in the testimony, funding still has not gone out the door. And I didn't hear you give a date when this committee or the armed services committee can expect to hear or receive a spend plan for those dollars. Um, General Kaine the day of the testimony um, got back to us as he said he would and explained that he had coordinated on the spin plan on April 13th. So that's been almost a month and we still haven't gotten anything. So when are we going to see the spend plan for Ukraine?
>> The spend plan for the European capacity building is in conjunction.
>> No, no, no. I'm asking for the spend plan that we are providing. Are you suggesting the federal funding is part of that spend plan? Did I understand >> the specific line item was European capacity building in the budget?
>> I understand. But the intent of working with Congress to allocate >> it was to spend that 400 million. I think you heard from Chairman McConnell, you heard from um Senator Coons. Um there was discussion at the time with the Congress that that those dollars were intended to be used for Ukraine.
And the reason it was designated as it was was because what we heard from Speaker Johnson was that the president was going to veto the bill if Ukraine was mentioned in it anywhere in the bill. And so that's why the determination was to use the term European, but the clear intent was for that money to be spent for Ukraine. So again, when is the money going to go out the door? When is this committee going to get the spend plan?
>> Ma'am, uh we're expecting to see a final spend plan for that this week. And once we have it, we can provide it to Congress.
>> Um and who still has to review the spend plan? So General Kaine's review isn't enough.
Well, ultimately, um, and he passed me a note on this earlier, European Command is going to take the lead on ensuring this gets the most effectively. So, that's Frankovich, as I pointed out two weeks ago, had already reviewed the spend plan.
>> So, we're not waiting for him to do that, as I understand.
>> No, ma'am, I believe we are. I think Yukcom has tried to make a few tweaks to the spend plan.
>> Okay. So, when do we think we will get it?
>> I believe we'll have it to you this week.
>> Okay. And when do we expect money to go out the door once that spend plan is available?
>> I don't know what they're putting in the spend plan, so I can't tell you what the schedule will be for contracting. That will matter. What they choose to buy with that money will will determine how fast it goes out the door.
>> Um, okay. This if this committee doesn't come back to you, I can guarantee you the Armed Services Committee is going to come back to you and get an answer to that question. Um, Secretary Hegsth, a number of members of Congress have expressed our concern that Iran is receiving intelligence support from Russia to target our service members even as we loosen sanctions on the Kremlin. Russia is making $4 billion dollar from oil sanctions relief because we've loosened those sanctions. Um, as has been testified to, an Iranian Shihad drone costs about 35,000. That's enough money for hundreds of thousands of drones supporting Russia's war in Ukraine and billions for Iran to reconstitute its industrial base. So, if one of the goals that's been outlined by the president as part of this war is to destroy Iran's defense industrial base, don't you think we ought to be putting more pressure on Russia and putting those sanctions back on those Russian oil ships so that they are not um continuing to fund Iran in this war?
Senator, we we know Russia uh is a nefarious actor on a lot of levels and account for that. But I would say the destruction of Iran's defense industrial base has been highly >> all evidence to the contrary. We're not accounting for that if we're [clears throat] giving Russia the opportunity to >> earn $4 billion a month, $20 billion by the end of the year if we leave those sanctions lifted for that time during which they can continue to fund Iran.
Well, the destruction of defense of Iran provide oil to China has been clear and overwhelming. The the destruction of Iran's defense industrial base has been clear and overwhelming.
>> Well, it's certainly not clear to me as a member of the committee because what we see is Iran still producing drones.
They're still engaged in this conflict.
We have not won this war.
>> There's a difference between pulling a drone out of a cave that's been collapsed and producing more drones.
That's a different thing.
>> Well, maybe so. But if Iran still has almost 50% of their missile capacity and the ability to pull drones out of caves and still injure our allies and US service members, then we have not won the war.
>> We are told that Senator Kennedy should be here in mere minutes. And so, uh, Senator Coons, if you want to ask a couple questions until he arrives.
>> Thank you, Senator Mcowsky. I'm Mr. Secretary. I'm just going to follow up on the questions I asked in my first round and the questions that had been asked by members of both parties. Um, in my assessment, there was no imminent threat to the United States that justified the president using his article 2 powers and there was insufficient preparation to make sure that we had the right troops, the right capability um, deployed.
There used to be a consensus in national security that America should only go to war when there's an imminent threat to our national security. when all other options have been exhausted and when we have clear objectives and a plan for how it ends. As uh General Kaine testified, the military was given three clear goals. Sink the Navy, um attack and destroy the ballistic missile launchers and degrade their defense industrial base. And you've accomplished those. But President Trump celebrated regime change after saying that regime change was the real goal. And our NATO allies have delivered. They have allowed overflight.
They've allowed projection of force despite not being consulted. You said just a few moments ago, Mr. Secretary, we control the straight. But it's clear that reopening the straight of Hormuz for commercial traffic eludes us in no small part because Iran retains a robust stockpile of cheap lethal shahed drones and they are getting help from our adversaries in rebuilding them. What is your plan for reopening the straight of Hormuz? Mr. Secretary, >> I would just note that the majority of your question was highly disingenuous and loaded with suggestions that I very much don't agree with. Uh from the beginning, >> please feel free, sir, to pick any one of those.
>> From the beginning, we've been very clear about the military objectives and the underlying strategic objective, which is preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.
>> Yes. Take for example the fact that Iranians n conventional navy they had aircraft carriers with shahed drones on them before this started. They had full-on destroyers and battleship capabilities none of which they they have anymore. And >> did the Iranian Navy have aircraft carriers?
>> Iranian Navy had three drone aircraft carriers. The Iranian Navy had 11 subforms for drones. Sure.
>> Had 11 submarines all regular navy.
Great. Good.
>> They they retain fastboat capabilities which they've always had. We understand that. which we can control for and will.
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