Massie’s principled defense of Article I highlights the tragic abdication of war-making authority by a Congress more interested in political convenience than constitutional duty. It is a rare, intellectually honest stand against the unchecked expansion of executive power that unfortunately remains a political anomaly.
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Thomas Massie Iran War Powers Speech – The Reason He Lost Primary Election?Hinzugefügt:
The gentleman from New York is recognized.
>> Yeah, I'm happy to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky and the sponsor of this important resolution, the honorable representative Thomas Massie. The gentleman from Kentucky is recognized. I thank the gentleman from New York.
Mr. Speaker, James Madison wrote to Thomas Jefferson in 1789, "The Constitution supposes what the history of all governments demonstrates, that the executive branch of power is the most interested in war and most prone to it. It has accordingly with studied care vested the question of war in the legislature."
The Constitution is clear. Article 1, Section 8, Clause 11 of our Constitution provides Congress initiatory powers of war. Article 2, Section 2, Clause 1 of our Constitution gives the president operational powers of war to wage that war. Even if this body were to pretend that the 1973 War Powers Resolution supersedes the clear language of the Constitution, the president still has not met the conditions required by that law itself.
The 1973 War Powers Resolution states plainly that the president may only introduce US armed forces into hostilities pursuant to three conditions: either one, declaration of war, two, specific statutory authorization, or three, a national emergency created by an attack upon the United States. None of those conditions exist today. Iran has not attacked the United States, Congress has not declared war, and Congress has not granted specific statutory authorization. Beyond the constitutional question, here lies an even more important one. Why are we going to war with Iran? We owe our military service members a clear mission.
And American families in my district want to know, "How's this is going to help them pay for groceries. How does this make them any safer in their schools or in their neighborhoods? How does this help them pay for housing?
Have we learned nothing from the laundry list of wars and regime change experiments we sparked across the Middle East that have racked up a total of at least $8 trillion of debt in Iraq, Libya, Syria, Afghanistan?
A sustained war with Iran will not stabilize the region.
It's already ignited the region. It will radicalize new generations of terrorists and it will send more swarms of refugees into Europe and the United States. Iran is not Venezuela. The Ayatollah was not a president. He was a religious leader from a region notorious for radical Islamists and the United States and Israel turned him into a martyr. And in the process of doing so, we've already expended billions of dollars and more solemnly six American families must now lay to rest their sons and daughters.
And for what? This administration can't even give us a straight answer as to why we launched this preemptive war. The president says we had to strike first because an Iranian strike was imminent.
Meanwhile, the Department of Defense conceded there was no evidence of an imminent Iranian strike.
Some told us this war was about nuclear weapons, but six months ago we were assured our last strike on Iran decimated their nuclear program. So, which is it?
I think the most candid answer came from the Secretary of State who told the press that Israel forced our hand and dragged us into this war.
Again.
And that truth is the very reason why it is Congress that must decide war. If American lives are to be risked and American blood is to be shed, that decision must be debated and voted on by the representatives of the American people, and that debate is meant to be arduous, and that vote is meant to be hard. I have a theory.
I think my colleagues don't want to go on record because we have a terrible track record of meddling in the Middle East. They don't want their name associated with this when it doesn't turn out well.
But Congress cannot be bothered with its constitutional duty because for many in this chamber, it's easier to simply allow someone else's sons and daughters to be sent to combat without their vote.
And to be clear, we aren't even here to declare war today. All we're voting on is a war powers resolution to reassert the Constitution that Congress must decide questions of war. And if Congress wants war, then the speaker should hold a vote to declare it. Some say Congress authorizes war when we pay for it, when we pass the budget bill. Here's the problem. We haven't taken on the hard work of defining the mission for our sons and daughters who are going to fight. That's not in the budget bill. It never is. And to the men and women who are engaged in combat, I sincerely thank you, and I pray for your safety.
It is for you that I wrote this resolution. It is for you that all of us are here on this floor working so hard to force this vote so that you will have a clear mission that you deserve so that you will know when you achieve it, you can come home. And with that, I urge support for this resolution, and I yield back.
The gentleman from New York is recognized.
>> Yeah, I'm happy to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky and the sponsor of this important resolution, the honorable representative Thomas Massie. The gentleman from Kentucky is recognized. I thank the gentleman from New York.
Mr. Speaker, James Madison wrote to Thomas Jefferson in 1789, "The Constitution supposes what the history of all governments demonstrates, that the executive branch of power is the most interested in war and most prone to it. It has accordingly with studied care vested the question of war in the legislature.
The Constitution is clear. Article 1 Section 8 Clause 11 of our Constitution provides Congress initiatory powers of war. Article 2 Section 2 Clause 1 of our Constitution gives the President operational powers of war to wage that war. Even if this body were to pretend that the 1973 War Powers Resolution supersedes the clear language of the Constitution, the President still has not met the conditions required by that law itself. The 1973 War Powers Resolution states plainly that the President may only introduce US Armed Forces into hostilities pursuant to three conditions. Either one, declaration of war, two, specific statutory authorization, or three, a national emergency created by an attack upon the United States.
None of those conditions exist today.
Iran has not attacked the United States, Congress has not declared war, and Congress has not granted specific statutory authorization. Beyond the constitutional question, here lies an even more important one. Why are we going to war with Iran? We owe our military service members a clear mission.
And American families in my district want to know, how's this is going to help them pay for groceries? How does this make them any safer in their schools or in their neighborhoods? How does this help them pay for housing?
Have we learned nothing from the laundry list of wars and regime change experiments we sparked across the Middle East that have racked up a total of at least $8 trillion of debt in Iraq, Libya, Syria, Afghanistan?
A sustained war with Iran will not stabilize the region.
It's already ignited the region. It will radicalize new generations of terrorists, and it will send more swarms of refugees into Europe and the United States. Iran is not Venezuela. The Ayatollah was not a president. He was a religious leader from a region notorious for radical Islamists, and the United States and Israel turned him into a martyr. And in the process of doing so, we've already expended billions of dollars, and more solemnly, six American families must now lay to rest their sons and daughters.
And for what? This administration can't even give us a straight answer as to why we launched this preemptive war. The president says we had to strike first because an Iranian strike was imminent.
Meanwhile, the Department of Defense conceded there was no evidence of an imminent Iranian strike.
Some told us this war was about nuclear weapons, but 6 months ago, we were assured our last strike on Iran decimated their nuclear program. So, which is it?
I think the most candid answer came from the Secretary of State, who told the press that Israel forced our hand and dragged us into this war.
Again.
And that truth is the very reason why it is Congress that must decide war. If American lives are to be risked and American blood is to be shed, that decision must be debated and voted on by the representatives of the American people, and that debate is meant to be arduous. And that vote is meant to be hard. I have a theory.
I think my colleagues don't want to go on record because we have a terrible track record of meddling in the Middle East. They don't want their name associated with this when it doesn't turn out well.
But Congress cannot be bothered with its constitutional duty because for many in this chamber it's easier to simply allow someone else's sons and daughters to be sent to combat without their vote. And to be clear, we aren't even here to declare war today. All we're voting on is a war powers resolution to reassert the Constitution that Congress must decide questions of war. And if Congress wants war, then the speaker should hold a vote to declare it. Some say Congress authorizes war when we pay for it, when we pass the budget bill. Here's the problem. We haven't taken on the hard work of defining the mission for our sons and daughters who are going to fight. That's not in the budget bill. It never is. And to the men and women who are engaged in combat, I sincerely thank you and I pray for your safety.
It is for you that I wrote this resolution. It is for you that all of us are here on this floor working so hard to force this vote so that you will have a clear mission that you deserve so that you will know when you achieve it, you can come home. And with that, I urge support for this resolution and I yield back.
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