The expulsion of hundreds of thousands of African migrants from Ghana in 1969, following the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah, demonstrates how economic hardship and political instability can rapidly transform pan-African ideals of brotherhood into hostility and xenophobia, revealing the deep contradiction between African leaders' rhetoric of continental unity and the reality of Africans expelling fellow Africans.
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Afrophobia: Ghana Expels Africans
Added:Heat. Heat. [music] [music] Heat. Heat.
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Welcome.
Welcome to this side of time.
Welcome to the platform for history, politics, and power.
Last week we looked at afrophobia in South Africa and it reminded us of where we are coming from.
Today we go to Ghana to understand why things are the way they are.
The program is state affairs.
Do we call South Africa a lion's den?
South Africa expels Africans.
Okay.
From the lion's den of South Africa, we go to the broken promises of postindependence Ghana.
Some would say the lion's den next door.
how Ghana expelled its own then watched South Africa do the same in recent time.
Look at it. I saw the scene. Did you see it?
A scene of rescue.
A plane touches down in Ara carrying Ghanian citizens including women and children.
They are welcomed home from South Africa by their foreign minister who promises protection.
Did you see the picture?
Nigeria has that picture.
Africans fleeing from South Africa.
The pictures are in the airport in the embassies.
If you look at the Ghanaians that came, [clears throat] the Ghanaians that returned from South Africa, one of them screamed, "A lion's den that South Africa is a lion's den."
Another says that he is simply happy to leave South Africa exhausted by being disturbed all the time.
So to him, no place like home.
At least he is home.
We are not talking about refugees fleeing from a war zone.
We are talking about African migrants fleeing other Africans.
In the past and recent months, South Africa has erupted in anti-immigrant protest.
Campaigners demand tighter controls on undocumented migrants.
Foreigners are accused of stealing jobs and fueling crime.
And as we've seen, the result is a painful exodus. Africans turning their backs on the promise of a united continent.
But this story is a reminder of the past.
It is a reminder of the past.
We have seen this before.
In the 1960s, Ghana was the beacon of pan-Africanism.Wame Kruma preached Africa for Africans.
He talked about a continent free from colonial rule where borders would be meaningless.
Where borders would be meaningless.
That was the dream of Kuruma of Ghana.
Yet by the end of that decade, Ghana itself began expelling hundreds of thousands of African migrants.
Nigeria toolles, Nigerians, toolles and other West African workers were rounded up, stripped of their belongings and forcibly sent home from Ghana.
They were blamed for the economic problems of Ghana.
They were blamed for crimes in Ghana.
and they were blamed for taking jobs from Ghanaians.
Does that sound familiar?
You can listen to Afrophobia.
South Africa expels Africans.
It's on this channel.
So, we can call this the part two on afrophobia.
the part two of afrophobia.
We treated the part one on Thursday and the focus was on South Africa.
We looked at the role of African states in fighting for the liberation of South Africa.
We gave example of Nigeria, Algeria and the frontline states.
We looked at the history of South Africa that exposes it to afrophobic sentiments.
Today we are taking it to Ghana. It happened there before and the reasons are the same. The same language, the same scapegoating but a different decade.
So this edition of state affairs uses the this edition of state affairs uses the events in South Africa to reflect on an older wound.
It is a reminder of the prejudice and violence of Africans against other Africans.
We will trace how Ghana, the very heart of black liberation, turned its back on its neighbors about 60 years ago.
And we will ask a question.
If the dream of pan-Africanism could die so quickly in Ara, can it survive anywhere at all?
From the lion's den of Johannesburg to the broken promises of postindependence Ghana, this is the story of a continent expelling its own.
[music] >> [music] [music] >> As I said, our greatest danger stems from disunityity.
and the inability to see that the realization of our hopes and aspirations, the realization of our objective of total African independence and of our future progress and prosperity is inexperienced bound up with the necessity to unify our policy and actions in connection with the continued struggle for independence and the greater tax of economic and social reconstruction beyond it.
We must therefore face the issue of African unity now for only unity will make the artificial boundaries and regional demarcations imposed by colonialism obsolete and superfluous.
African unity will thus provide an effective remedy for border disputes and internation troubles.
In the United Africa, there could be no frontier claims between Ethiopia and Somalia or between Zanziba and Kenya, Guinea or Liberia or between Ghana, Togoland and the Agra Coast >> BECAUSE [applause] some of the leaders, it must be confessed, do not see the struggle of their brother Africans as part of their own struggle.
Even if they did, they would not be free to express their solidarity.
This rifts are consciously created by the imperials between Africans where they can sit back and watch with satisfaction as well as contempt for those who fail to see how they are being used against Africa's best interests.
regrettably. Regrettably, [clears throat] those states include some who were among the freedom fighters of yesterday and who haven't won their independence are willing to drop it for some token to token aid and thereby deny to those still struggling for freedom even their moral support.
Here is a phenomena against which all African freedom fighters must be on their guard and resist to the utmost.
Even though I appreciate the difficulties facing us, I must admit I find it strange to watch some of us returning w willingly to the colonialist fold.
This time they don't even have to they don't even have the excuse of being forced to subject themselves to foreign domination.
It makes one wonder why so much effort and sacrifice and so many lives were given up to the achievement of independence in the first place if it can only be so quickly and easily surrendered.
unhappily for us.
Colonialism creates in some intellectual allegiances which are not severed at the moment of independence but remain to condition loyalties away from Africa toward the metropolit them.
They are unable, it would appear, to accept the idea that Africans can get together to make a to make viable and growing concern of a combined African continent, but rather see their salvation in coming together in association like the Franco African community recently at Bangu.
Although there are many here who speak English, French, Spanish or Portuguese, nevertheless, we are all Africans.
[applause] Africans fighting for Africa's independence, Africa's unity, [clears throat] Africa's future.
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The unmistakable voice ofwam kuruma of Ghana speaking about African unity.
Kruma of Ghana.
You know, Africa has long spoken the language of unity.
Kuruma spoke about unity there.
From the dreams of pan-Africanism preached byqwame kruma and Julius iner to the creation of the African union.
The continent has imagined itself as one people divided by colonial borders.
You heard him talk about artificial borders in Africa.
However, Africans have often turned against fellow Africans with violence and suspicion.
This contradiction is embodied in two closely related.
This contradiction is embodied in two closely related ideas, xenophobia and afrophobia and afrophobia.
Xenophobia refers to hostility towards foreigners or outsiders.
In this case, it can be South African blacks against Chinese, against Indians and against fellow Africans.
It is also xenophobia.
But here [clears throat] we are interested in the violence method out to Africans by Africans.
And we define this as afrophobia.
It describes hatred or fear directed specifically by Africans at other Africans.
Why the two terms xenophobia and afrophobia overlap?
Afrophobia exposes the tragedy of Africans rejecting other Africans while speaking of African brotherhood.
Across the continent, from South Africa to Libya, from Kodivvoir to Kenya, afrophobic tensions have erupted into violence, discrimination, exportions, and social exclusion.
These tensions reveal deep anxieties over identity, economic [clears throat] survival, political manipulation, migration, and the unfinished legacy of colonialism.
Before colonial rule, African societies were fluid.
Communities traded. They migrated, they intermarried and moved across territories that had no modern borders.
The Berlin Conference of 1884 to 1885 fragmented Africa into colonial possessions, dividing ethnic groups and communities, forcing them into artificial states.
After independence, these colonial borders became national frontiers.
Suddenly, Africans who once moved freely became foreigners.
a Euroba trader in Ben Republic, a Yawa merchant in Ghana or a Somali pastoralist crossing East Africa could now be treated as outsiders.
National identity slowly replaced other civilizational and ethnic networks.
This is what Africa has gone through.
Can it be reversed? No. Are there lessons to learn? Yes.
After independence, these colonial borders became national frontiers.
Suddenly Africans who once moved freely became foreigners.
A Euroba trader in Beni Republic, a house merchant in Ghana or a Somali pastoralist crossing East Africa could not be treated as outsiders.
National identity slowly replaced older civilizational and ethnic networks.
Economic hardship and political instability later intensified this transformation.
Governments and populations increasingly blamed immigrants for unemployment, crime, insecurity, and the pressure on public resources.
Meanwhile, no African country has become more associated with aphroia than South Africa.
Ironically, South Africa's liberation struggle received enormous support from other African nations.
Nigeria funded anti-appatite campaigns.
Zambia hosted exiles.
Tanzania trained fighters.
Algeria mobilized weapons.
Many African states imposed sanctions on the apathide regime.
Yet after apppatide ended in 1994, resentment against African migrants grew steadily among sections of the South African population.
But how did we get here?
How?
Let's trace it together.
And the answer will take us to Ghana.
One of the most controversial episodes in West African history was the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of African migrants from Ghana after the overthrow of Qua Kruma in 1966.
The event exposed the fragility of Panaffrican ideals and revealed how economic hardship and political instability could rapidly transform brotherhood into hostility.
When Ghana became the first subsaharan African country to gain independence from colonial rule in 1957, Enruma envisioned the country not merely as a nation state but as the spiritual headquarters of African liberation.
[snorts] He famously declared, "The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa."
And he made that statement on Independence Day in Ghana.
>> [music] >> IT DOESN'T MATTER HOW FAR MY EYE GOES, I CAN SEE THAT YOU ARE HERE IN YOUR MILLIONS. AND MY LAST WARNING TO YOU IS THAT YOU OUGHT TO STAND FIRM BEHIND US SO THAT WE CAN PROVE TO THE WORLD THAT WHEN THE AFRICAN IS GIVEN A CHANCE, HE CAN SHOW TO THE WORLD THAT HE'S SOMEBODY.
WE ARE WAITING. WE SHALL NO MORE GO BACK TO SLEEP ANYMORE.
>> TODAY, FROM NOW ON, THERE IS A NEW AFRICAN IN THE WORLD. THAT NEW AFRICAN IS READY TO FIGHT HIS OWN BATTLE AND SHOW THAT AFTER ALL THE BLACK MAN IS CAPABLE OF MANAGING HIS OWN.
We are going to demonstrate to the world to THE OTHER NATIONS YOUNG AS WE ARE THAT WE PREPARED TO LAY OUR OWN FOUNDATION. AS I SAID IN THE ASSEMBLY JUST MINUTES AGO, I MADE IT POINT THAT WE ARE GOING TO SEE THAT WE CREATE OUR OWN AFRICAN PERSONALITY AND identity is the only way IN WHICH WE CAN SHOW THE WORLD THAT WE ARE HEAD OF OUR own battle. We have done the battle AND WE AGAIN REDEDICATE ourselves not only in the struggle TO EMANCIPATE OTHER TERRITORIES IN AFRICA. OUR INDEPENDENCE IS MEANINGLESS UNLESS IT LINK UP THE TOTAL OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT.
>> State affairs with admando is live.
State affairs with Edmund Dubilo is live.
>> Stay tuned.
>> IT DOESN'T MATTER HOW FAR MY EYE GOES, I CAN SEE THAT YOU ARE HERE IN YOUR MILLIONS. AND MY LAST WARNING TO YOU IS THAT YOU ARE TO STAND FIRM BEHIND US SO THAT WE CAN PROVE TO THE WORLD THAT WHEN THE AFRICAN IS GIVEN A CHANCE, HE CAN SHOW TO THE WORLD THAT HE'S SOMEBODY.
>> [cheering] >> WE ARE WORKING. WE SHALL NO MORE GO BACK TO SLEEP ANYMORE.
TODAY FROM now on THERE IS A NEW AFRICAN IN THE WORLD. That new African IS READY TO FIGHT HIS OWN BATTLE AND SHOW THAT AFTER ALL THE BLACK MAN IS CAPABLE OF MARRIAGE ALL OF US.
WE ARE GOING TO demonstrate to the world to THE OTHER NATIONS YOUNG AS WE ARE THAT WE ARE PREPARED TO LAY OUR OWN FOUNDATION. AS I SAID IN THE ASSEMBLY JUST MINUTES AGO, I MADE IT POINT THAT WE ARE GOING TO SEE THAT WE CREATE OUR OWN AFRICAN PERSONALITY AND identity is the only way in WHICH YOU CAN SHOW THE WORLD THAT WE ARE READY FOR OUR OWN BATTLE. We have done the battle and WE AGAIN REDEDICATE OURSELVES NOT ONLY IN THE STRUGGLE TO EMANCIPATE OTHER TERRITORIES IN AFRICA. OUR INDEPENDENCE IS MEANINGLESS UNLESS IT LINKED UP THE TOTAL REPRESSION OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT.
[applause] >> State affairs with Edmund doilo is live.
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Kruma on Independence Day in Ghana in 1957.
Electrifying speech you would say.
Underwameruma Ghana opened its door to Africans from across the continent.
Nigerians, toalles, Nigerians, Ivorians and Bukinabis including Malians and many others migrated to Ghana in large numbers.
Some came as traders, artisans, teachers, laborers, civil servants, or political exiles escaping colonial repression elsewhere.
Ghana's booming cocoa economy, an ambitious industrial project created opportunities unavailable in many neighboring countries.
Acra became a magnet for African intellectuals, activists and workers.
African migrants could easily settle in Ghana.
Foreign Africans were integrated into commerce and labor.
Ghana projected itself as the political center of black liberation.
Pan-Africanism was promoted as a sacred ideology.
But within the optimism lay economic tensions that would later boil over.
Professor Adimola Arawi was born in Ghana.
Professor Arawi was born in Ghana.
He experienced the government ofWamer Kruma.
He enjoyed the education model thatwame kruma developed in Ghana.
So, professor dear Rai will break it down.
He will make the understanding of Ghana at independence easier to embrace.
Professor Adola Rawi is on state affairs.
>> [music] >> Heat. Heat.
[music] [music] [music] Kuruma was overthrew by the military in 1966.
What then happened to that education system he created? Well, the educational systemwritted was solid in terms of the substantive contents of what you learned. Not only that, in the process of forging the African identity, the African personality which was central to the vision of Kwabin Kruma, you were also exposed to very iconic representations of his own ideas in teachers that taught you. You had people who were dedicated. You entered Ghanaian secondary schools, primary schools and you knew the teachers were well trained.
They knew what they were about.
It was not a transactional professional relationship.
These were dedicated icons of the vision of Incruma's idea of the African personality.
>> So this vision was pursued using education.
>> Yes. Education became an instrument for the pursuit of that vision of Quabin Kruma.
>> Can we call this indoctrination?
>> Yes. Well, yeah. In a in a sense. In a sense when you get so exposed to intense ideas and then the environment in itself is configured to validate the ideas that you you are being exposed to. You can call it a form of indoctrination but slightly indoctrination devalues the intrinsic essence of what you are learning.
The schools, the formal schools were committed to formal education, substantive education. But you also had the other dimension of Kwam and Kruma which was the Ghana young pioneers in which all African youth, all Ghanaian youth in and when I talk of Ghanaian youth in quotes, all African youth were brought into and you were indoctrinated.
You learned more about the African personality. You learned about you are being infused with the confidence that you could go out in the world and make a difference. You needed to be yourself.
You needed to be proud of yourself.
State affairs with Edmund Doilo is live.
Heat. Heat.
>> [music] [music] >> Adimola Rai, a professor of international relations.
telling us the story of Ghana.
By the early 1960s, Ghana's economy began facing severe difficulties.
Several factors contributed.
They include the falling world cocoa prices, heavy state spending on industrialization projects.
There was also the factors of rising national debt, corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency.
Some blamed the authoritarian political controls under Enruma's government.
Unemployment rose sharply among ordinary Ghanaians.
Food shortages and inflation became widespread.
Many citizens began blaming foreigners for worsening economic conditions.
Foreign African traders and laborers increasingly became targets of resentment in Ghana.
Nigerians in particular were highly visible in transportation, petty trade, construction and small businesses.
The economic frustration merged with nationalism.
The question became why should foreigners prosper why Ghanaians suffered.
On the 24th of February 1966, Wang Krummer was on a diplomatic mission to China.
On the 24th of February 1966, while Krummer was on a diplomatic mission to China and North Vietnam, his government was overthrown in a military and police cool led by the National Liberation Council.
The coup fundamentally changed Ghana's political direction.
and Krummer's Panaffrican ideals were dismantled immediately.
The rule, the new leaders aligned themselves more closely with Western powers and they focused on economic nationalism.
The overthrow of Unruma also unleashed long suspress The overthrow of Unruma also unleashed the long suppressed anger towards migrants.
Under the new political climate, foreigners became convenient scapegoats.
They were harassed and afrophobia intensified.
Pan Africanism weakened as nationalism replaced continental idealism.
Unkrum was no longer the leader.
Then came the aliens compliance order.
of 1969.
The aliens compliance order of 1969.
It is the most dramatic phase and it came under the government of Prime Minister Kofi Abreusa.
Take note of that name.
The most dramatic face came under the government of Prime Minister Kofi Abrea Busousia.
In November 1969, Busousia's government introduced the infamous aliens compliance order.
The order required all undocumented foreigners to leave Ghana within two weeks unless they possessed valid residence permits.
The consequences were devastating.
An estimated 500,000 to over 1 million migrants were forced out of Ghana.
A large percentage were West Africans, especially Nigerians, toolles, Nigerians, and upper votans.
Now, Bukinabi, many had lived in Ghana for years or or even decades.
Many had lived in Ghana for years or even decades. Entire families were uprooted overnight.
The expulsion created scenes of enormous human tragedy across West Africa.
Roads leading out of Ghana became flooded with desperate migrants carrying belongings on their heads in sacks and in old vehicles.
Families slept outdoor.
Children went hungry.
People tked across borders for days.
Border towns became overcrowded with exhausted refugees.
You can define them using that term.
Thousands were stranded because neighboring countries lacked the infrastructure to absorb the soden influ.
The emotional trauma was immense.
Businesses collapsed.
Homes were abandoned, savings were lost, marriages across nationalities broke apart.
That can be painful.
Marriages across nationalities broke apart as years of labor disappeared instantly.
Just imagine a man leaving his wife and children behind.
Where is home?
A tool married to a Ghanaian with children and you tell the toolles to go and he can't leave with the children and wife.
They might not be ready to follow. Where has he run to? Running to a country he left more than 10 years ago.
Some persons have lived in South Africa for more than 20 years. [snorts] All of a sudden you say go to where or where he come from.
After spending 20 years in a place, is that place not home?
Why can't we consider him if he's contributing economically to the state?
Why can't we consider him or her for legal status?
We send them home and they come home.
Professor Demola Rawi was born in Ghana.
His family was one of the victims of the exportion.
He saw the chaos that came with the aliens compliance order of 1969 in Ghana.
Let's bring back Professor Arawi to tell us the story of the past, the story of time and the pain that came with the order.
Kwaame Kruma was overthrown.
>> Yes.
>> After he was overthrown, what happened to your education?
>> Oh, thank you.
in the immediate years of vatum from his legacy was so strong that you couldn't how can roll back the gains that Ghana had made.
So the GT G schools remained what they were essentially strong educational institutions funded on merit the pursuit and advancement of merit and I and I enjoyed that tremendously and I must also say at this point that my education in Ghana and the process of getting to into Ghana secondary school and the experiences there actually will be the definitive force that has turned me into who I am as as as a passionate Panaffrican. When I went to Ghana secondary school in n in September 1966, Ghana secondary school kurida, the principal was Danqua.
My father I have I have very humble beginnings went to school with me for the first day. He took me there from Akotia and I had a trunk box and I had a small chalk box made of wood where I I put my supplementary food like everybody does even in Nigeria.
And the principal walking by saw said to my dad, "Mr. Salami, why did you buy Lassi a small box?" And my father a humble man you know was a little ptor and the man said Mr. Salami don't be don't don't be worried about it come to my office and then we went into the the principal's office and he brought this she said oh we just received this today and he looked oh I'm happy to inform you Mr. Lassis has been awarded the Coco Marketing Board scholarship. He will go to school free of charge. You are not going to pay any school fees.
>> Marketing board scholarship CMB scholarship in those days. And so I went through my experience at Ghana Secondary School without paying a fing a fing >> and that was the policy that was laid down by Kruma. It didn't matter because my name was Salami or Lisi being Nigerian. If we had Malians, we had Cameroonians. What mattered was that you are an African.
>> An African. That was what mattered. So you grew up yourself not well you considered yourself a Ghanaian but not just a Ghanaian but an African. So my education was smooth and I can look back on my experience with a lot of fondness.
I can and a lot of nostalgia.
>> So at what point did you have to leave Ghana >> and then the bogus nationalist of Dr. Kofabusa came into office in 1969 >> afterwamin Kuma was gone.
>> Yes. And they decided they were going to resend all the panafrican policies of Kruma. These were cedo misguided sidedo nationalists.
And so we had the aliens quit order in December 1969.
And all and in in in a jify all Africans became unwanted aliens in Ghana.
>> Alien quit order.
>> The aliens quit of December 19.
>> They must leave Ghana.
>> Everyone had to leave Ghana. Not only that it was so bad and when I left school in January 1970 I left school I left Ghana second school straight in Kofurida to the seap port and because Nigeria was going through a civil war at that time it took a while for the government of Nigeria to arrange for boats to come and take us.
>> Why couldn't you go home from school?
I couldn't go home because it was a quit order and the Ghanaian >> just leave.
>> Just leave >> immediately.
>> It wasn't even safe.
>> Yeah.
>> Just like that.
>> Just like that. Because the the like I was the environment had been poisoned.
>> Why that order? What was it that provoked it?
>> Because the pseudo nationalists I don't is it is it the PP party papa?
Yes. the PPA was CPP conventions people's party but there was this nebulous political party that came that repudiated everything that Kuma stood for including pan-Africanism and the and part of the concern was to cut down the stature of Kruma in with the African fament and so of course having said that earlier yes so so in 19 so 196 69 this order came and we had to leave.
Some of us came back to this country our home country. I was coming to Nigeria for the first time my home country with a shirt on my back.
State affairs with Edmund Doilo is live.
Let me feel.
[music] Professor Adimola Rai telling his story.
Professor Adimola Arawi.
Nigerians formed one of the largest migrants populations affected by the expulsion order from Ghana.
>> [snorts] >> Ironically, years later, Nigeria itself would expel large numbers of Ghanaians during the oil boom of the 1980s.
Would you call that retaliation?
Tit for thought, Nigeria fired back in the 1980s.
In 1983 under President Shu Shagari, Nigeria expelled about 1 million migrants, so-called undocumented migrants, many of them Ghanaians.
Remember the famous Ghana must go bags?
It became symbolic of the crisis.
By this history came full circle.
Ghana expelled Nigerians in 1969.
Nigeria expelled Ghanaians in the 1980s.
The circle revealed how economic collapse and nationalism repeatedly undermined Panaffrican ideas.
The expulsion exposed a deep contradiction in postcolonial Africa.
African leaders preached unity against colonialism.
But many newly independent states quickly embraced narrow nationalism once economic problems emerged.
Professor Kola Wally has studied Kruma as a professor in the University of Lagos.
He taught the ideals of panaffricanism and he wrote a book on Kuruma.
So here, professor Kola Gundowi explains Kuruma's ideal that made Ghana the home for African migrants.
He explains the thinking of Unkuruma.
[music] >> [music] >> In this book you you give a lot of credit towame. Unkuruma but professors like Mazri would say Unkuruma was perhaps a Zar a man who was carried away by self-importance but Aundi here celebrates Enruma as that philosopher who had the magic wand to transform Africa you know Kruma was an enigma in fact mentioning in this work Nikolai Capernicus the Polish scholar who altered the the confusion in the world then when they said the earth was stationary and the sun moving around it that was the uh tool's the theorization and the whole world of uh religion Catholicism embraced that and no one dare counter that view but capernicles when they was observeing having the the the planetary system uh with his telescope.
Then he observed that no all every other body seems to be standing still but I'm moving my telescope is moving. Oh the earth moves around the the sun.
It was to be caught and killed. He ran away.
But just yes, just about 3 years ago, the Roman Catholic themselves who sought his head at that time when he came out with that new discovery, they they had to uh to to to exume his body and give him a befitting burial.
500 years after and in fact I mentioned it at the conference to celebrate certain birth in fact that conference uh in Arah in May 2010 was organized by the entire AU and government of Ghana. I was invited to give a paper there.
At that conference, I the the the session where I presented my paper was shared by uh the third president of Seneagal uh Wadai. I mentioned that just like Capernicles, it only took Africa 50 years before they came to recognize the wells.
uh the discovery bywami of the need for continental governance.
You understand me? Soqamma was a man with many sides. Some pick one side of him like Missouri echoing his imperialist view thatwamian was emperor or anything was has many side. Yes, he was a dictator. Nobody denying that. I think he realized that towards his own the end of his own life. But at the same time he won't take away from him that was a penetrating philosopher with penetrating mind far beyond. In fact he was seeing things about 50 100 years ahead of his contemporaries.
>> His book New Colonianism the last stage of imperialism thrilled me.
>> Oh well he made projection.
>> Yes. And he said that the struggle for freedom must begin with intellectualism.
Yes.
Yes.
State affairs with Edmund Doilo is live.
That's the voice of professor Kawi, a panafricanist.
The exportions from Ghana and Nigeria exposed a deep contradiction in postcolonial Africa.
African leaders preached unity against colonialism.
But many newly independent African states quickly embraced narrow nationalism once economic problems emerged.
Colonial borders remained intact.
Citizens became rigid.
Foreign Africans became outsiders.
The dream of a borderless African brotherhood collided with the realities of economic scarcity and state insecurity.
Today the exposions remain one of the most important case studies in African migration history.
The expulsion from Ghana especially shaped West African migration policies, debates about citizenship, regional economic integration and discussions about xenophobia and afrophobia in Africa.
That is why the expulsion of Africans from Ghana after the fall of Unruma was the collapse of a dream.
Kuruma imagined Africa as the spiritual homeland of African unity.
But after his overthrow, economic hardship, nationalism, and political fear transformed neighbors into strangers.
The tragedy revealed that freedom from Europe did not automatically create unity among Africans themselves.
Organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States echoes later attempted to reduce such crisis through free movement agreements among West African states.
Yet tensions continue to appear periodically across Africa in South Africa, Libya, Kodivoir, Ghana.
That was not the dream ofwam kruma on the day in 1957 when he made that electrifying speech.
That speech that was meant to unify Africans.
That speech that redefined the struggle for independence.
That speech that motivates me that the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.
He kept his words but he could not keep his presidency as the CIA aided a coup against him.
That brings us to the end of this edition of state affairs and I'll leave you with Enruma's speech on Independence Day in Ghana in 1957.
Thank you for being there.
[music] >> [music] >> IT DOESN'T MATTER HOW FAR MY EYE GOES, I CAN SEE THAT YOU ARE HERE IN YOUR MILLIONS. AND MY LAST WARNING TO YOU IS THAT YOU ARE TO STAND FIRM BEHIND US SO THAT WE CAN PROVE TO THE WORLD THAT WHEN THE AFRICAN IS GIVEN A CHANCE, HE CAN SHOW TO THE WORLD THAT HE'S SOMEBODY.
WE ARE WORKING. WE SHALL NO MORE GO BACK TO SLEEP ANYMORE.
>> TODAY FROM NOW ON THERE IS A NEW AFRICAN IN THE WORLD. THAT NEW AFRICAN IS READY TO FIGHT HIS OWN BATTLE AND SHOW THAT AFTER ALL THE BLACK MAN IS CAPABLE OF MANAGING ALL OF US.
WE ARE GOING TO demonstrate to the world to THE OTHER NATIONS YOUNG AS WE ARE THAT WE ARE PREPARED TO LAY OUR OWN FOUNDATION. AS I SAID IN THE ASSEMBLY JUST MINUTES AGO, I MADE IT POINT THAT WE ARE GOING TO SEE THAT WE CREATE OUR OWN AFRICAN PERSONALITY AND identity is the only way IN WHICH WE CAN SHOW THE WORLD THAT WE ARE HEAD OF OUR own battle. We have done the battle and we again rededicate ourselves not only in the struggle TO EMANCIPATE OTHER TERRITORIES IN AFRICA. OUR INDEPENDENCE IS MEANINGLESS UNLESS IT LINKED UP THE TOTAL REPRESSION OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT.
>> State affairs with Admand doilo is live.
IT DOESN'T MATTER HOW FAR MY EYE GOES, I CAN SEE THAT YOU ARE HERE IN YOUR MILLIONS. AND MY last warning TO YOU IS THAT YOU ARE TO STAND FIRM BEHIND US SO THAT WE CAN PROVE TO THE WORLD THAT WHEN THE AFRICAN IS GIVEN A CHANCE, HE CAN SHOW TO THE WORLD THAT HE'S SOMEBODY [cheering] WE ARE WAKING. WE SHALL NO MORE GO BACK TO SLEEP ANYMORE.
TODAY FROM NOW ON THERE IS A NEW AFRICAN IN THE WORLD. THAT NEW AFRICAN IS READY TO FIGHT HIS OWN BATTLE AND SHOW THAT AFTER ALL THE BLACK MAN IS CAPABLE OF MANAGING ALL OF US.
We are going to demonstrate to the world to the OTHER NATIONS YOUNG AS WE ARE THAT WE PREPARED TO LAY OUR OWN FOUNDATION. AS I SAID IN THE ASSEMBLY JUST MINUTES AGO, I MADE A POINT THAT WE ARE GOING TO SEE THAT WE CREATE OUR OWN AFRICAN PERSONALITY AND identity is the only way IN WHICH WE CAN SHOW THE WORLD THAT WE ARE READY FOR OUR OWN BATTLE. We have done the battle and WE AGAIN REDEDICATE ourselves not only in the struggle TO EMANCIPATE OTHER TERRITORIES IN AFRICA. OUR INDEPENDENCE IS MEANINGLESS UNLESS IT LINK UP THE TOTAL BRIDGE OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT.
[applause] State affairs with Edmund Doilo is live.
Heat. Heat.
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