When authoritarian regimes face military setbacks, even their most loyal propaganda apparatus may begin contradicting official narratives, revealing internal cracks in the information control system; this phenomenon, where state media and propagandists openly dispute Kremlin claims about military control, signals growing internal dissent and potential systemic instability that threatens regime survival more than external threats.
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Revolt in Russia! Propagandists clash over statements regarding the corridor to Crimea...
Added:shock, a mutiny within Russia itself. Z propagandists have suddenly turned against the Kremlin, accusing gauleiter Balitsky of blatant lies.
Why did the claim of full control over the land corridor to Crimea turn into a major scandal? And what truth were even Russian war correspondents forced to admit? Meanwhile, Madyar publicly humiliated the occupiers with a single phrase. And most importantly, one of Russia's most notorious war criminal stated that Russia can no longer defeat Ukraine on the battlefield.
All the loud statements, unexpected details, and new signals from Russia in just a moment. Don't miss it.
Hello, you're watching Ukraine today. I am Solomiya Dolyk with the latest events.
While the Kremlin continues to claim full control over the occupied territories, an unexpected scandal has erupted within Russia itself.
Russian Z propagandists have effectively staged an information mutiny against the official Kremlin version following statements by Yevgeny Balitsky, the gauleiter of the occupied Zaporizhzhia region. During a meeting with Vladimir Putin, Balitsky claimed that the Russian army had supposedly fully secured the so-called land corridor to Crimea along the M-14 Rostov-on-Don-Crimea highway, as well as the region's energy infrastructure from Ukrainian strikes.
However, within just a few hours, these claims were openly refuted by Russian military bloggers themselves.
Z propagandists accused Balitsky of lying.
Russian military Telegram channel stated that the gauleiter's words have nothing to do with reality.
This was reported by the Crimean Wind publication.
According to them, Ukrainian defense forces regularly attack the strategic highway, which is one of the main supply arteries for the Russian grouping in occupied Crimea and Southern Ukraine.
Moreover, the propagandists admit that due to the constant threat of Ukrainian drone strikes, fuel carriers are already forced to pay significantly more for cargo insurance, as the risk of loss has become too high.
Another Kremlin myth has also crumbled.
The Russian authorities tried to explain the decrease in destroyed equipment as the result of effective air defense.
However, even the Z bloggers didn't agree this time.
They write directly, "The reason isn't strong air defense, but that Russians are simply afraid to drive on this road."
Traffic has significantly decreased precisely because of the constant attacks by Ukrainian drones. And then Magyar spoke up, tearing Balitsky's claims apart in a single post. His response was as harsh as it gets.
>> It takes some nerve to lie like that right to the Führer's face. Comrade Balitsky, the only thing you control is the statistics of daily hits on this highway and all the surrounding field roads.
>> Along with this, Magyar published a video of new Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian equipment on the very route that Balitsky claimed was fully controlled.
According to the commander of the unmanned systems forces, since July 1st alone, the number of enemy vehicles hit in this direction is already in the four-digit range.
The Ukrainian military promises to release full statistics at the end of the month.
Thus, the collaborator's words about full control have literally been shattered to pieces.
Ukraine is showing a completely different picture, and it's becoming harder to hide even for Russian propaganda. And then came what the Kremlin wanted to hear least of all.
Against the backdrop of these events, former Russian militant leader Igor Girkin, who is currently serving a sentence in a Russian colony, made a very telling statement.
He effectively admitted what has been said more and more often lately even inside Russia.
>> That's it. It's the end of our plans.
Under current conditions, we won't be able to defeat Ukraine on the battlefield.
You can forget about it.
>> According to Girkin, using conventional, that is non-nuclear means, Russia is no longer capable of achieving a military victory or even a favorable end to the war.
At the same time, he pointed out another dangerous trend.
According to him, calls to use nuclear weapons against Ukraine are increasingly heard in Russian society, and some war supporters seriously believe that everything will be settled after that.
Girkin claims that such scenarios were discussed so actively that they even caused concern from China.
Putin's plan is falling apart.
It's telling that all these events are happening almost simultaneously, and all this increasingly indicates that within the Russian information space doubts are growing about the official picture the Kremlin is trying to show its own society.
But that's not all. It seems the Kremlin has caught the scent of another rebellion.
While Putin tries to convince Russians that the situation is under full control, voices of discontent are increasingly heard within Russia itself from the very circles that just yesterday were considered the regime's most reliable support.
And while previously all threats to the Kremlin came from the outside, now the most alarming signals are coming from within.
Moscow still shudders at the memories of Prigozhin's march, and new statements and moods are forcing increasingly uncomfortable questions.
Is a new wave of rebellion beginning to ripen beneath the surface of the Russian system?
And most importantly, doesn't Putin fear his own people today much more than external enemies? Let's watch. What the Kremlin feared after Prigozhin is surfacing once again. A Russian occupier recorded an appeal to Putin and threatened a scenario that Moscow would prefer to erase from its memory forever.
>> The army will in time turn its weapons against the Kremlin.
>> According to the occupier, hundreds of thousands of Russian soldiers are allegedly being held in so-called zindans, pits and improvised prisons where they are thrown for refusing to carry out suicidal orders or for conflicts with the command.
>> He claims that soldiers are punished, beaten, forced to give up money, and the most unwanted are simply eliminated. And here, an especially uncomfortable question for the Kremlin arises. If all this is just one person's fabrication, then why did millions of Russians watch the appeal in just a few days? And if even a part of what was said is true, then we're talking about a much more serious problem. The accumulation of discontent within the army itself.
Something else is telling. Until recently, Russian propaganda convinced society that the army and the government were a single monolith.
But the longer the war lasts, the more often stories break out about conflicts between soldiers and command, about punishment, corruption, and mutual distrust. And although it's too early to talk about any real mutiny, the very appearance of such statements is very symptomatic. After all, the biggest problems for any government don't start when it's criticized by opponents. The most dangerous moment comes when uncomfortable questions start being asked by their own people, those who just yesterday were called the main pillar of the state. It seems that the ghost of June 2023 still haunts the Kremlin offices. And every time words about weapons aimed at Moscow are heard from the Russian military, the Kremlin involuntarily remembers how quickly confidence in full control can turn into a panic search for answers. And here it's worth remembering the words of Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
The Ukrainian president recently stated directly that Vladimir Putin fears not only defeat in the war, most of all he fears his own army. According to Zelenskyy, that's why the Kremlin is so desperately clinging to the continuation of the war. After all, the return of hundreds of thousands of soldiers home without a victory could create problems for the Russian authorities that they fear much more than sanctions or international isolation. And if you pay attention to recent events, these words no longer look like a simple political statement. First, there was Prigozhin's march on Moscow, which showed how unexpectedly the usual control schemes can crumble. Now, new appeals from the military are appearing which openly speak about dissatisfaction within the army and even mention the possibility of pointing weapons toward the Kremlin. And here in a especially unpleasant dilemma arises for the Russian authorities. The longer the war lasts, the more people pass through the front, gain their own experience, and stop looking at reality through the TV. And along with this, the number of those who start asking uncomfortable questions to the command and the leadership of the country is growing. Zelensky is convinced that Putin perfectly understands this threat.
That's why, according to him, the Russian president fears the end of the war without a declared victory.
After all, then it will be necessary to explain to society what the huge losses were for and to hundreds of thousands of soldiers why all the sacrifices did not bring the promised result. And while Russian propaganda continues to talk about full control over the situation, more and more signals indicate otherwise. The most dangerous challenges for the Kremlin may come not from abroad, but from within the system itself, from people who for years were called the main pillar of the Russian state. And while the Russian military openly threatens the Kremlin, other supporters of the war are starting to sound the alarm over a completely different problem. It seems that more and more people inside Russia itself are starting to worry not about victories at the front, but about what's happening in stores, at gas stations, and in their wallets. Particularly telling was the appeal from the famous Z blogger Evgeny Goldman, a man who is certainly hard to suspect of having sympathies for Ukraine or of criticizing the war. But this time even he couldn't hold back his emotions.
>> We didn't care. We wanted to.
Tell the president, tell the minister of defense.
>> In his video, the propagandist effectively called on Russians to prepare for hard times.
He advised buying up non-perishable food, stocking up on salt and canned goods, and even mentioned fuel problems in the regions. It sounded as if it wasn't a war supporter speaking to the citizens, but someone preparing for serious economic turbulence. Until recently, these very bloggers were convincing Russians that the economy had withstood sanctions, industry was in full swing, and the country was successfully overcoming all difficulties. Now those same people are suddenly advising to set aside buckwheat, matches, and canned meat. And this looks like a very alarming symptom.
>> Rats, office rats, I'm so sick of you.
What is this?
>> What's more, in his emotional speech, Goldman effectively accused the Russian elite of living in a separate reality.
Supposedly, while ordinary people are told to endure and donate money to the war, officials continue to feel quite comfortable and have no intention of giving up their usual lifestyle. The Kremlin's biggest problem right now isn't Ukrainian drones or even sanctions. The biggest problem is that more and more supporters of the system itself are starting to ask questions to which the authorities have no simple answers. And when even the most ardent war supporters advise stocking up on buckwheat and preparing for a hard autumn, it already looks like a signal far more serious than any official reports on stability.
In the Kremlin, it seems a true era of fear is beginning. Putin is urgently increasing his personal security.
Russian generals are increasingly becoming the subjects of tragic news.
Mistrust is growing between the army and the special services, and the consequences of the war can no longer be hidden from ordinary Russians.
Moreover, the master of the Kremlin himself is for the first time effectively acknowledging the scale of the problems that until recently they tried to keep quiet.
Why is Putin suddenly surrounding himself with new rings of security? Has the fear for his own life reached its peak? And is it true that the Kremlin has fewer and fewer options left for continuing the war? Details follow in the report. Putin no longer trusts even his own shadow. The dictator is urgently increasing his personal security for the fourth time since the start of the full-scale war.
Interestingly, the louder Moscow talks about stability, the more guards are stationed around the master of the Kremlin. According to European intelligence services, the Kremlin is increasingly preparing not only for long-range drone attacks, but also for possible internal upheavals, assassinations attempts, or even a coup.
And it seems that the main problem is no longer from the outside, but from within the system itself.
Guards are forbidden from using phones and devices with internet access. Their lives are becoming encumbered with new restrictions, and checks are becoming increasingly stringent. It seems that now they're protecting more than just Putin. They're protecting those who protect Putin.
The story about the wristwatches was particularly surprising. According to Russian sources, officials were advised to remove them during meetings with the president. When the authorities start suspecting even an ordinary watch, it's no longer about security. It's about an atmosphere of total distrust where a potential threat can be seen anywhere.
And the more such strange bans appear, the harder it is to hide the obvious.
Fear has become one of the main factors in decision-making in the Kremlin.
Interestingly, even before the invasion, the central security apparatus had barely changed for over 10 years.
But since the war began, it's been expanded for the fourth time, and this may be the best indicator of the real mood in the Kremlin. Because when a head of state constantly increases the number of people who must protect him from danger, a logical question arises. If everything is truly going according to plan, then why has the level of personal anxiety there reached its peak?
And these aren't all the warning signs.
A conflict is growing between the army and the secret services that can no longer be hidden.
And the most prominent symptom of this crisis is a series of mysterious deaths and liquidations of Russian generals.
According to European intelligence, the military is increasingly outraged that the FSB is effectively in no hurry to provide protection for the top brass.
It's a paradoxical situation. The Kremlin needs generals to continue the war, but the system doesn't seem too concerned about their safety. And while some wear expensive epaulets, obituaries are already being prepared for others.
This situation hits not only military capabilities, but also the morale of the entire army.
Generals are dying from strikes, explosions, sabotage, and other emergencies, and with them the sense of invulnerability of the Russian elite is vanishing.
What seemed impossible just a few years ago is becoming almost commonplace news today.
Russian opposition figures point to another interesting detail. In Putin's system, a popular general is almost always a problem. For decades, the Kremlin has treated the army as a potential threat to its power.
The secret services received more influence, more money, and more opportunities, while the military was constantly reminded of its place.
Because the Kremlin remembers well, the army is one of the few structures that could theoretically ask uncomfortable questions of the people in the Kremlin offices. And now the situation looks almost comical.
Putin is increasing his own security, tightening the security regime around him, hiding behind ever new levels of protection. But at the same time, the generals who are supposed to lead his war continue to find themselves at the center of high-profile incidents.
Obviously, the system's top priority is to save one person, even if it means turning a blind eye to everyone else's problems. Every such story breeds new suspicions and rumors within the Russian elite itself.
Generals no longer feel protected.
Distrust is growing between security agencies, and fear for one's own life is becoming the norm. Has the very purging of the inner circle that is so feared in authoritarian systems begun? And if this process has already been launched, then stopping it will not be easy. Meanwhile, in the Kremlin, they are starting to say out loud what was considered a forbidden topic until recently.
Putin has effectively admitted Ukrainian strikes on Russian territory are causing serious concern, and the war has long since ceased to be a distant television image for ordinary Russians. Moreover, the Russian president is increasingly calling events by their real name, war, rather than the usual Kremlin abbreviation, which for years was meant to create the illusion of a controlled operation. The consequences of the war are beginning to penetrate where they did not reach before. Strikes on oil infrastructure hit the main source of income for the Russian state, and at the same time, prices are rising, fuel shortages are occurring, and economic nervousness is intensifying.
For years, Russians were told that the war was somewhere far away and hardly affected their lives.
But when problems reach the gas stations and the family budget, propaganda slogans start to work much worse.
Even more alarming for Putin is the situation at the front. According to estimates from Western sources, the losses of the Russian army remain extremely high.
This means that the Kremlin is getting closer and closer to the moment when it will have to make politically dangerous decisions. If a new wave of mobilization affects not only the provinces, but also the wealthier segments of society. The level of dissatisfaction could rise sharply even among those who have supported the system until now. In military theory, there is the concept of a culminating point, the moment when an offensive is no longer able to maintain its own pace and begins to lose effectiveness. It seems that this is the very scenario that the Kremlin fears most right now. After all, if resources are depleted faster than they are replenished and economic pressure intensifies, then the question is no longer about new offensives, but about how to avoid a strategic defeat.
And now Putin faces a choice. On the one hand, escalation and an attempt to raise the stakes again with strikes and new threats. On the other, negotiations, which may turn out to be the only chance to save the regime and his own safety.
The only problem is that time is no longer on the Kremlin's side. If previously Putin expected to dictate terms, today it is clear that he is looking for a way out of the situation without admitting defeat. The man who promised a quick victory and a new world order now finds himself between two equally dangerous options. Escalation could accelerate the crisis, while negotiations could demonstrate weakness.
And it seems that is why there are more and more nervous statements coming from the Kremlin. And the confidence that the Russian authorities have demonstrated for so long is gradually being replaced by fear of their own future.
And how do you feel about these events?
Write your opinion in the comments. Hit the like button under the video and stay informed about the main things. More to come, and we will see you in the next report.
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