The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) is a consensus-based ethical framework that ensures free, fair, and transparent elections by establishing rules for political parties and candidates, including prohibitions on communal appeals, restrictions on campaign activities near polling stations, and guidelines for public meetings and processions. While MCC is not directly enforceable by law, its provisions are criminalized under existing laws like the Representation of the People Act (RPA) 1951 and Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023. The MCC applies to all stakeholders including ruling parties, opposition parties, candidates, and media, creating a level playing field during election campaigns.
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INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP ON MODEL CODE OF CONDUCT FOR CAMPAIGNS
Added:A very good morning. We are waiting for our chief guest to arrive. He will be arriving shortly. So kindly bear with us in these few moments. Thank you.
Once again a very good morning. Before we start with today's program, I would like to brief you on what the workshop today is all about. Today's workshop is organized by the office of the chief electoral officer Migalia in association with the India international institute of democracy and election management as part of the thematic priorities under India's chairship of the international idea and forms part of the thematic research initiative assigned to the chief electoral officer Malia.
The workshop will be conducted in hybrid mode enabling participation of officials from election management bodies from across the globe both physically and virtually. So once the chief guest arrive we will begin today's program with the inaugural session which will then be followed by the technical sessions. So the technical sessions we will have four uh speakers al together and in the first uh session we have two tracks. Track one will be uh will be shared by Mr. Shishir Tiwari, assistant professor, Department of Law, Northeastern Hill University. And he will be speaking on the foundations and legal frameworks of ethical election campaigning which will be then followed by a question and answer round.
Following that we have track two which will be shared by Dr. Kamaljit Chiram, assistant professor, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Northeastern Hill University, and his topic will be on media, digital campaigns and information integrity.
This will also be followed by a question and answer round. We will then be breaking for lunch and the next session will be by conducted by professor K debarma department of political science northeastern hill university and his topic will be on the campaign finance monitoring and enforcement.
This will also again be followed by another question and answer round.
The final session is going to be conducted by professor dipendu shinharoy the dean of research and consultancy national institute of technology migalia sor and his topic will be on emerging challenges and global cooperation.
This will also be followed by another question and answer round and we will have the final general interaction. The technical session will be led by the moderator who is the additional chief electoral officer of Malia and following that will be the vote of thanks. Thank you.
I request everyone to kindly rise for our chief guest has arrived.
A warm welcome to our chief guest for today's program. You may kindly sit. A warm welcome to our chief guest for today's program. Shri Frederick Roy Khakumar, IAS, Principal Secretary to the Government of Malia. Our guest of honor, Shri Civil V. Darlong, Dean, Commissioner and Secretary to the Government of Malia, District Council Affairs Department.
our respected officials, special guests, resource persons, members from the political parties, members of Megalia Model United Nations, friends from the media, community leaders, prominent citizens and young people. My name is Narissa Dakar and I will be your host for today's inaugural session.
We begin today's program with the singing of the national anthem and therefore I request everyone to kindly rise for the national anthem.
Fore.
J.
I would now like to invite our chief guest, our guest of honor and all the dignitaries to the ters.
We would now like to request Dr. BDR Tiwari IAS Chief Electoral Officer Mghalia to kindly felicitate our chief guest Shri Fderick Roy Khakumar IAS principal secretary to the government of Mghalia Sir, I request you to also kindly felicitate our guest of honor, Shri Sel V. Darlong Dindor, Commissioner and Secretary to the Government of Malia, District Council Affairs Department.
So I request you to also kindly fistate Shri Dalton Pim Marak IPS Inspector General of Police and State Nodal Police Officer.
Now I request our chief guest to kindly felicitate our CEO Dr. BDR Tiwari IAS Chief Electoral Officer Mghalia and as well as our additional CEO Shri Banari Molong IAS And now I request Sri Jeffrey Nongum to kindly felicitate our additional CEO Shri Banari Maong IAS.
Thank you sir. To mark the auspicious beginning of today's workshop, may I now request our chief guest Shri Frederick Roy Khark IAS principal secretary to the government of Mikalia. Our guest of honor, Shri Silv Darl Long Dindor, Commissioner and Secretary to the Government of Mikalia District Council Affairs Department and the other dignitaries to kindly join us for the ceremonial lighting of the lamp.
Can we all have a round of applause for the lighting of the lamp?
The lighting of Islam signifies the triumph of light over darkness, knowledge over ignorance, and integrity over malpractice. The principles that lie at the heart of the moral code of conduct.
Can we have a one more round of applause?
We thank our dignitaries for illuminating this workshop with their presence.
May I now request our guest of honor Shri Sel V Darlong Dindor IAS Commissioner and Secretary to the Government of Malia District Council Affairs Department to kindly deliver his address.
>> Thank you very much Kong. Our respected chief guest of today's program Shri Fderick Roy Kumasa principal secretary home political home police and other departments Governor Migal our respected chief electoral officer Migal Dr. BDR Tiwari additional CEO Mr. Barnari Molong Mr. Dton P Marak IG police all the respected representatives of the political parties who are here including our respected MDC Mr. Starwell Kh and other distinguished MDCs and representatives of all national and regional political parties all the officers from the district administration from various districts ADCs other distinguished guests and invitees who are speakers for today's program and all those who are also joining this program online.
Uh first of all thank you to the office of the CEO for having invited me for this very important workshop and conference today. I was told to speak a little on what the district council affairs department is doing especially in terms of model code of conduct in the state of Mal.
Just as a background, we know that for elections to assemblies and parliament, it is the ECI through the office of the CEO and the district administration that conducts elections. Other states of course have state election commissions.
Since meal is exempted under part 9 and 9A of the constitution of India to have a state election commission since we are under the sixth schedule to the constitution of India. We have three autonomous district councils the Kasi Hills autonomous district council the go hills autonomous district council and the janta hills autonomous district council. So the elections to the three ADCs, the three autonomous district councils have been conducted by the state government in the district council affairs department of course through the deputy commissioners and you know the district administration and in support with the police and other uh administration the the field administration that is how we conduct but the overall supervision and conduct of these elections lies with the district council affairs department and therefore we had thought it fit that we should come out with a proper model code of conduct for the guidance of all political parties and candidates during elections to the ADCs.
Therefore, in the last district council election that was held recently to the Ky Hills and Gent Hills district council, uh just before that, we had uh taken the matter to the government to the cabinet. In fact, on 9th December 2024 and a separate model code of conduct for the conduct of this elections to the autonomous district councils was approved by the government of Migall.
uh before that the state government was adopting the ECI model code of conduct in to found that certain uh guidelines in the model code of conduct may not apply in toto the ADC elections because of the nature of the ADC elections and so to ensure that there is no confusion in terms of interpretation uh every political party is clear we had come out with our own model code of conduct which has been distributed and used in the last election and it is being used I have a small copy here just to you know for the benefit of all the political parties I'm sure many of you have this but I'll just in the interest of time just give a few salient features so like the model code of conduct of the election commission of India we have adopted many of those principles because the principles of elections are the same for example the general conduct is you know you shouldn't appeal on communal You shouldn't have corrupt practices. Uh no division or hatred. Uh restrictions in terms of uh canvasing within 100 meters of the polling stations. Uh within 48 hours before poll closes to seize all public meetings and all campaigns. Uh prior permission for meetings uh from the district administration. Inform police in advance so that the venue of these public meetings is well known and all political parties have access to these venues. uh the issue of loudspeakers to be taken permission for etc etc you know the fix the plan in advance if there are processions to follow local restrictions to avoid traffic jams to prevent clashes so it's it's like the ECI model code of conduct the only difference is that this model code of conduct applies of course to the autonomous district councils uh therefore state and centrally funded projects which are ongoing do not get affected by the model code of conduct ongoing Central state schemes projects are exempted. Uh even in the district councils those which are ongoing are exempted but during the model code of conduct which comes into force when the notification is issued by the governor for calling the electors to elect the members of the district council. From that day onwards no new scheme can be announced by the autonomous council concerned and restrictions like you know the use of uh ADC vehicles by the CM or em etc those apply. So the principles are as similar as to the ECI model code of conduct. We have already used it in the last election to the both the kasi hills and the giant hills district council elections and uh there were no issues that were raised in terms of the principles of the model code of conduct.
I'm sure you know department we always happy to receive feedback from the parties who are here whenever you need clarification or other things. Uh the district administration to the DCs and the ADCs time and again give these model code of conduct to the political parties to the candidates including independent candidates uh for elections and uh these are well disseminated. So I would like to thank u the election commission of India in a way and the office of the CEO because a lot of the principles of this model code of conduct are based on the current model code of conduct of the election commission of India and uh principles are the same the fundamental principles of electioneering of having a a level playing field for political parties a free and fair elections those remain the same obviously but since these are local elections we have modified it suitably to the given context of the state of Mal given the fact that we have three autonomous systems So and obviously you know these elections happen at different times. We don't have simultaneous elections for all three councils at the same time. So therefore it doesn't you know apply to all councils at the same time in terms of the work that is happening. So I'll not speak much more. I once again thank our respective chief guests our respected chief electoral officer and all the u election team including all the political parties for your presence here today. These kind of workshops are important to deliberate to discuss to learn to clarify and to you know disseminate and information and learnings and I'm very happy to have been invited and uh to this kind of meeting which is of course conducted by the election commission of India through the IIDM with the office of the CEO to also share with the political parties about what the state government through the district council affairs department is doing for ensuring free and fair elections during autonomous district council elections.
So with these words I thank all of you for your patient listening for inviting me and once again thank you all.
>> Thank you so much sir for highlighting and enlightening us with the salient features of the model code of conduct specific to the autonomous district councils of Nalia.
Now I would like to invite Dr. BDR Tiwari IAS Chief Electoral Officer of Malia for his address.
Thank you so much our respected chief guest Sri Frederick Raar Khangor is and principal secretary Home police, home political and other department and uh serving my predecessor and guardian guidance for entire election team and uh my colleague uh sir vi dingo commissioner and secretary district council affair department as well as several other department in the government State police nodal officer and inspector general of police mar.
Additional CEO Bernari Maong is honorable representatives of the political parties our honorable MDC and representative political parties, officials from the district, media, our respected resource persons who largely contributed for this group which is assigned to Migallaya that is model code of conduct for campaign on which as per instruction of uh triple IDM this workshop is being organized.
Ladies, gentlemen, officials who are joining from the through VC from the districts and uh our respected guest who are connected in this hybrid mode from the other state and uh triple IDM. A very good morning to you all and this is a proud privilege for meal to conduct this inter uh this one day state workshop on the theme or thematic group assigned to meal that is model code of conduct by the international on this international ideas theme as different theme has been assigned to all the CEOs and the thematic IC group report is being prepared through a team teamwork by respective CEOs and uh this year is the chairship of the India's India chairship of international idea ID international idea is the association of the uh election management bodies across the globe and headquarters at Stockholm Sweden and this time since India is leading this one so honorable election commission of India which is having the one of the largest of it its kind this uh institute of India international institute of uh democracy and electoral election management triple IDM insert we call so under the banner of triple IDM and their guidance So we are have been assigned to study the leading democracies on the different theme assigned to that is called thematic group to the different CEOs and the state teams. So accordingly we got this theme of the model code of conduct for campaign and in international workshop held in the month of uh January 2026 just after India has our ECI has taken the chairship and honorable CC is the present chair of the international idea.
So under this ambit and the banner and the guidance of triple IDM theatic group study has been taken up and I have I feel very proud in announcing Meghallay is one state among initial five state which has submitted its thematic group report by this previous month by May 2026.
So next meeting of the this is the annual chair and which is the next meeting is scheduled by first week of December 2026. Before that triple IDM is working to publish all those thematic group reports and which is of international standard and uh like meal once we are our team is conducting this uh theatic group research. So we have studied around 51 countries from the different part of the globe and we have found there are lot of variation as per model code of conduct for campaign is also concerned as Mr. Siril has very rightly pointed out model code of conduct is providing level playing field for all stakeholders especially the political parties who are participating in the elections. So during the campaign period there should be no divisive line. There should be no use of the religion hatered speech and there should be certain limitation on the conduct of the political parties for the organizing rally holding the meetings and they have to seek permission from the competent authorities as well as they the uh expenditure monitoring part is also very much important uh part of this entire campaign and uh so once we go to the history in our country we see in the end of 1950s once in the election of the Kerala so election commission in the coordination with the state government they have come up with this model code of conducts concept and but it was more the less has existed in the other part of the globe and the different that time democracies were also having this model code of conduct type campaign. But since 1991 very structured framework of the model code of conduct has been issued by the honorable election commission of India and it is the regular monitoring during the campaign period is being taken up.
So all the political parties we have the regular interface we work in coordination we have the meeting with the political parties at the RO level state level also so to ensure the model code of conduct and their elections should be held in the free fair manner.
There should be no intimidation and no hate speech. to to restrain the money power, muscle power and it is backed by the law also.
If anybody is going to violate the model code of conduct then there are the certain legal provision under which election commission and authorized election machinery to regulate the uh campaign during the different elections either it is related to Lok Sabha or related to the assembly elections. So moreover since we already have completed our uh comparative study of the different leading democracies in the world and we found there are the very clearcut legislation in the some countries where there is traditional model code of conduct is also being followed in the different part. So it varies up to some extent but the basic principle for the model code of conduct during the campaign period is to provide level playing field for all the political parties who are participating in the election and to ensure that democratic election free fair and transparent manner. So our thematic uh experts who already contributed a lot uh and their guidance like uh from NEU this political science department professor Bharma is here from law department is here and from nit Mr. Our legal expert is also from the high courts the practicing lawyer in the high court as well as one IM pro professor he is also associated with us. So we have since being old seat of administration of this region and so we are very much privileged with having the number of national level institution stationed in the salon. So even not only our state but other CEOs for their respective group they requested us and the experts from the different national level institution based in they are contributing to the different group of the other.
So by with these words once again I welcome all the participants from the districts and uh especially my sincere gratitude to all the political parties who joined who are participating and uh we are very much eager to listen from their end how they think and uh the three imminent political uh party representative are expressing their thought and ideas in this august forum. So once again I welcome you all sir especially the political party representatives because they are the main stakeholders in the simple language we used to say as sir is uh survey frame all those things in the better words. So like we are providing the all the arrangement we are like stage for the election we have to arrange But the act how it will be played it depend on the actors in the play. So those are the political party representatives. So their views and opinion is very very valuable especially for this work which is very relevant topic and it's not very much codified in our country. All the aspect is not in one one place we can't get this is the booklet of specifically model code of conduct and these are the only rules this there the consensus on the certain aspect behavior and everything so all political parties in time come forward to cooperate and we have seen especially in the state of Mallay while we are going ready for this uh special intensive revision exercise and which is the training page is starting from tomorrow onward and uh till 7th of October when the final role will be published this process will be on and uh there was one interesting part we would like to share with the other participants at the time of this notification for third phase on the 14th of May is only state not having a single BL Both level agent and even election commission people are also sometime feel they're surprised how your political parties are very retained and not appointing political party agents for the uh conduct of election at the ground level and other even the sir type exercise also. So either they are totally believe in your election machinery and they have no doubt over at any stage and they are fully cooperative or they they don't want to cooperate and totally ignore that. So I told no sir the second part is nowhere it is our grassroot democracy especially in the meal is very very strong and that got the protection under the sixth schedule of constitution and this uh So as Sil has rightly pointed out and he briefed about the different aspect. So political parties are very much very proactively cooperate and the support we are getting as I got opportunity to work in election department during one Lok Sabha and one assembly election in the largest state of the country is UP during my adaptation time but we see the political parties cooperation level with the election machinery is really commendable so we on behalf On behalf of entire election team of Meghal, we are really grateful to the political parties for the cooperation and assistance they provide during any activity of election.
So thank you so much to all the political parties and uh their up to their grassroot workers till the top leadership. So and it gives a lot of support, courage and uh we are not that much worried in respect to the violation of the model code of conduct till political parties are that way very very cooperative. So once again our sincere gratitude to all political parties and once again all the participant who are here and are joining from uh joining in hybrid mode through online from the different places either from other state or district or in other places. So once again I would like to thank all including the triple IDM because this workshop is being organized as per their guidance and uh we are fully ready for the as our report also been submitted but still this theme is ongoing and whatever wherever assign any other responsibilities in respect to these aspect will be assigned to team meal.
Meala team is always ready to take up all those challenges and to contribute as much as possible for this cause of the uh democratic value tradition and especially the electoral practices and themes are concerned. So once again thank you all and uh we are again expressing my sincere gratitude to our honorable sir who always we always feel like a guiding force and time to time sir we keep on getting your guidance. So and all the participant in this workshop either physical or in online mode. So thank you.
Thank you sir for further enlightening us on the background and the purpose of today's international workshop. I would now like to invite Shri Datan Parak IPS Inspector General of Police and State Nal officer to deliver his speech.
becoming a taking the position of second or third speaker makes my job easier.
Most of the things have been already said. So I'll not bore you with my unneess words. So I'll try to make it very brief. Very good morning to everyone.
respected chief guest chief electoral officer as all the other dictatories, the uh participants from political parties uh senior officers and all the representative from the institutions Ladies and gentlemen, very good afternoon and this is privilege for me to say a few words on this important occasion of conducting uh this uh conference on model conduct for election campaigns.
Voting and election is our special privilege for all the citizens and uh we elect our own uh representatives and leaders who are our leaders for the five years. They decide our future.
Therefore, it is so important that we conduct our elections in a proper and uh free and fair manner.
India is recognized worldwide for conducting elections on extraordinary scale and the success of this democratic exercise is not measured merely by the number of voters who participate but by the confidence of citizens that electoral process is fair, peaceful, impartial and um the model corrupt conduct uh serves as one of the most important mechanisms for preserving that confidence of the citizens.
Model code of conduct is not merely the guidelines um introduced by the DCI or the state district council uh affairs.
Uh it is a moral and ethical framework that promotes a level uh playing field among political parties and candidates.
It seeks to ensure that elections are conducted in a manner that upholds democratic values, respect the role of low and strengthen public confidence in electoral process.
Uh being from the police, let me just highlight a little bit about the part that we uh play uh as police officers in the election process. We occupy uh critical position in the implementation of model of conduct. Our responsibility is not to influence the electoral process but to protect its integrity.
Police act as neutral guardians of democracy, ensuring that every voter can exercise his or her princes freely without fear intimidation, coercion or inducement.
Firstly, our part is to maintain law and order throughout the election period.
This includes preventing violence, managing public gatherings, regulating campaign activities and ensuring peaceful conduct of polling and counting processes.
Secondly, enforcing legal provisions relating to elections and supporting the election commission or election department in ensuring compliance with the model corrup conduct. Any violation involving intimation, intimidation, criminal appeals, hate speech, bribery or unlawful campaign activities must be dealt with promptly and impartially.
Thirdly, what we as police need to do is protecting the vulnerable sections of society, creating an atmosphere where every citizen can participate confidently in the democratic process.
Public trust in elections depend significantly on the perception of fairness and security.
The model code of conduct as we all know uh comes into effect uh right from the time the election is announced till the results are declared.
I'm skipping the part of what the government and the police parties or citizens need to do. Uh just a few things I want to highlight.
General uh general conduct during the elections uh as uh structured in the model of conduct.
Parties and candidates must not insight attract aggravate communal linguistic differences or appeal to cast for votes. Criticism opponent is strictly limited to their policies. Past records, programs, attacks on the private lives of individuals are prohibited. Places of worship cannot be used to uh for campaigning elections and and uh meetings and processions uh which also concerns uh police. It is important that organizers inform police authorities well in advance to arrange adequate security and uh ensure that there is peace and no uh classes among the uh opponent parties.
Today's electoral uh environment presents new and evolving challenges. The rapid growth of social media, digital campaigning, artificial intelligence and data driven political outreach has transformed electionary.
While these technologies provide great opportunities for our voters engagement, they also create risk such as misinformation, disinformation, fake news, cyber threats, online manipulation and rapid spread of inflammatory content. And this is a big challenge for uh law enforcement also every time We experienced this that that is where all stakeholders need to uh conduct themselves more responsibly.
In Megallaya we have always prided ourselves in conducting elections peacefully and professionally.
This achievement is possible because of the cooperation among the election officials, security agencies, political parties, civil societies and all the citizens themselves.
However, we must continue to adapt to emerging challenges and strengthen our preparedness through training, use of technology and coordination, coordinated action.
Before I conclude, I'd like to uh wish this uh conference uh success and I would like to emphasize once again that the success of the model conduct ultimately depends on collective responsibility, political parties, candidates, media institutions, government agencies, law enforcement authorities and citizens all share the responsibility of preserving the sanctity of elections.
And in conclusion, let us work together to ensure that every election remains free, fair, peaceful, inclusive, and reflective of the democratic aspirations of the people.
Thank you.
>> Thank you, sir, for sharing with us the vital role of the police department.
that they play in the conduct of free and fair elections.
To present the viewpoint of political stakeholders, we will now hear from our political party representatives.
I invite Dr. David Kashandi representing the National People's Party to kindly say a few words.
Honorable chief guest Frederick Kumar, guest of honor Sirill Dingo, Chief Electoral Officer Dr. Tiwari, officials of the education department, distinguished representatives of political parties, academicians, media persons, civil society representatives, students and dear friends. A very good morning to you all.
I stand here on behalf of the National People's Party with a deep sense of responsibility.
This workshop on the model code of conduct for campaigns is not merely a formal program that we are gathering here this morning, but it is timely and necessary conversation that we need to have on the health of our democracy.
Now this elections are often described as festivals of democracy.
But a festival has meaning only when it is celebrated with discipline, with dignity and with respect.
So elections become truly democratic only when they are conducted in a free, in a fair, in a peaceful, in a transparent and more important in an ethical manner.
So this model code of conduct is not just a set of rules written on paper that we have heard speakers before me have shared, but it is in fact moral boundary of the political life.
Now it reminds us here each and every political party who's here the candidates the campaigners the supporters that while we may campaign for the votes we must never damage the very dignity of our democracy.
That's why in our state of Megallayia, politics enters our village.
It enters our localities.
It enters our churches.
It enters our markets. It enters our youth groups. It enters the women groups and even in family discussions that we have every day.
So, a campaign message. Let me share with you. It travels from one household to another.
It travels from one WhatsApp group to another. It travels from one village meeting to another. That is why it is very much important for us to be responsible in our decisions and I urge this to political parties in our state in even greater manner.
That's why the National People's Party in these eight years that they are there in the government, they believe that elections must be fought with energy but not with hatred.
It must be fought with conviction but at the same time not with falsehood.
It should be fought with criticisms that if we see all over social media we see we can fight with criticisms but not with personal insults.
At the same time, we should fight with strategy, but we should avoid manipulation because at the end of the day, a vote secured by misleading the people of this very beautiful state is not victory. It is a wound to the very, you know, understanding of the word we call democracy.
election, you know, campaigns as we see it has changed over the years dramatically.
Earlier political communications was mainly through public meetings, through posters, through banners, door-to-door visits, through pamphlets, and even through speeches.
But today campaigns are also fought through mobile phones.
They are fought through social media, edited clips, artificial intelligence tools and even the datadriven communications technology. I may say it can help citizens understand the policies, no doubt, but at the same time compare manifestos and even ask questions.
But it can also be misused.
You and me, we all know that fake news can travel faster than truth.
A rumor can create social tension which we have been experiencing.
A fake video can damage a person's reputation.
A misleading post can influence public opinion before it even arrives to that truth.
So in a closeknit state like Megallaya, misinformation can be especially harmful.
When campaigns become careless with facts, the damage is not only electoral, it becomes social.
It affects the relationships.
It affects the communities and more so it affects public confidence.
So our message from the NPP is therefore very clear.
Political communication must be responsible.
Freedom of speech is important, no doubt. But freedom must walk with responsibility.
Criticism is part of democracy.
But it must be based on facts.
Opposition to necessary, but opposition must not become hatred.
So this model code of conduct, the campaign It helps us to create a level playing field. We have understood previous speakers have set. It tells the ruling party that power must not be misused and they have quoted just now. It tells the opposition that freedom must not be abused.
It tells the candidates that the ambition must not overrun ethics and it assures the voters that their vote is protected. That's why we are here.
Now this model code of conduct should not be viewed merely as a restriction.
It should be viewed as a democratic discipline.
Just as road needs traffic rules which were experiencing before coming to this venue, election do needs campaign rules.
And without rules, the powerful may dominate the weak.
And without discipline, noise may replace debates.
Without ethics, election may become a contest of fear, a contest of money and a contest of falsehood.
So I urge political parties that we must remember one fundamental truth that is the voter is not an object to be captured. The voter is citizens to be respected.
Now during the campaigns we must speak about the real issues issues such as employment, education, the roads, the healthcare, the farmers, the youths, women, entrepreneurship, the environment, the connectivity, culture and in governance but we must be in a position to tell the people what we have done.
We have if we have failed to do too and what we intend to do we must be honest enough to admit the challenges and brave enough to offer solutions.
So a responsible campaign does not promise the impossible here.
It does not exploit poverty, divide communities, provoke one group against another, or use religion, tribe, clan, language, or regions as weapons.
A responsible campaign uplifts public debate.
And on that note, Megallaya deserves that standard.
Now, money power is another concern out here.
When elections become too expensive, democracy becomes unequal.
Campaign expenditure monitoring is therefore essential to protect electoral. you know the fairness and the dignity of each and every public life. So out here I stand from the National People's Party to support strong transparent and political monitoring enforcement must also recognize Megallaya's difficult terrain. the remote villages, the high travel costs, the communication challenges. It must be strict, clear, uniform and fair at the same time. And the same rules applies to everyone.
Now, on behalf of the National People's Party, I place before you five commitments before this gathering.
First, we must commit to truthbased campaigns.
Our speeches, our posters, our social media posts, public statements must be grounded in facts. We must verify before we amplify.
Second, we must commit to peaceful campaigning.
Elections should not create fear.
No voters, those who are listening online too, should feel threatened.
No workers of any political party should be attacked.
Democracy is strongest when every citizen can speak, every citizen can campaign freely and every vote is without fear.
Now third, we must commit to issues based politics.
Let us debate policies.
Let us debate on performances.
Let us debate on governance and let us debate on development. Let us criticize no doubt but let us criticize constructively.
Fourthly, we must commit to respect for institutions, especially the election commission and the chief electoral officer, the district election machinery, the observers, the police and the polling officials. They carry a heavy responsibility too.
So political parties, I take this opportunity that we must cooperate with them, not undermine them.
And last, we must commit to digital responsibility.
Every party must educate its workers and supporters not to spread fake news.
Hate speeches, manipulate videos or inflammatory contents.
A social media post may take hardly hardly 10 seconds to forward, but it takes years and years to repair that damage it has caused.
Friends gathered here this morning, democracy is protected is not protected only on polling day. It is protected in every speech. It is protected in every campaign meetings.
It is protected in every slogan.
It is protected in every poster.
It is protected in every post promise that we give. It is protected in every online messages and the cons and the conversation that we have with the voters.
So this model code of conduct This very morning, it reminds us that democracy is not merely about who wins power.
It is about how power is sought.
We must all remember that after the elections is over, we have seen elections after elections. But at the end of the day, we need to realize that we need to live together as one society whether we like it or not.
So in Meallaya, our strength has been our community line, our respect for dialogue and our sense of dignity that we have.
So let this camp election campaign reflect those values.
And I urge this very morning that let our politics be competitive, no doubt, but not poisonous.
Let our campaigns be passionate but at the same time not reckless.
Let our democracy be noisy but never hateful.
I take this opportunity to appreciate the officer of the chief electoral officer of Megallaya for organizing this very important workshop.
The theme itself chosen for today.
Ethical campaigning, campaign finance, digital campaigns, information integrity, enforcement, global cooperation. They are all not theoretical matters.
They are practical issues that affects each and every election and each and every voter of the state of Megallaya and the country as a whole.
So from the national people's party I take this opportunity and at the same time we reaffirm our commitment to the constitution to democratic values to peaceful elections and to the model code of conduct.
We believe that political issues, political success without moral responsibility, it's empty.
And at the same time, we believe that leadership must be accountable and we believe that voters deserves that respect, not manipulation.
So I urge every citizen of this country, every member of the state of Megallaya that let us compete strongly, but let us compete fairly.
Let us speak loudly like many have spoke, but let us speak at the same time truthfully.
Let us campaign passionately but let us campaign responsibly too. Let us win votes no doubt because we are here for that but never lose our values. So I conclude with this thought that an election is not only the test of parties is not only the test of democracy itself.
And democracy passes that test when power bows before principles.
When ambitions be respect the ethics and when every voter. You and me can say that my vote is safe and my democracy is alive. Thank you.
Mella for sharing.
I now invite the representative of voice of the people party Dr. Please kindly all of our honorable chief guest of today's workshop Mr. the chief organizer of this program, my dear friends, colleagues from different political parties, other organizations present here today.
I consider this as opportunity as well as a privilege to be part of this exercise, this international Uh I will share a very brief uh thought today to this program that we have for like the rest of the country.
Meallaya is not immune from the challenges of electoral politics.
Today I'll try to be very brief and I'll try to be very specific.
There are three MS that is facing with regard to one.
Number one is the money power.
Number two is muscle power and number three is the misuse of sir.
I would like to bring to your attention that from the party we have been facing this informs.
Let me bring to the notice of everyone that we have even we have petition in the honorable high court of Megallaya last year with regard to these anomalies related to the MDC election particularly in chapter where we have raised the issues related to booting and boot rigging vandalism of EVMS in four polling stations to be precise and we have raised this of course the court has given judgment case this year itself January 2026 however We are not convinced.
We are of the opinion that justice has not been served. So therefore we have gone ahead matter is sir. These are the issues that are related to the model of conduct. not exactly during the campaign but even during the time when the cast so these are related issues and we from the voice of the people party have been raising this and as I already mentioned now what we would like to bring to the attention of this particular workshop is that especially to the authorities concern Election Commission, Election Commission of India is that these these issues these malpractices are going on especially in I would like to bring to your notice sir that there is a practice in there is an allegation rather I would say in gents where the villages through the headland they used to collect And there is an allegation in the area where there is the soal right where people don't have to come to the wood and vote where the village will do.
These are allegations which are on the ground which we as the party have encountered and we would like to bring to the workshop and everyone concerned.
Sir, another issue that I would like to bring here is with regard to of course we we are very clear that those schemes can be initiated or declared during the election campaign. However, the party in power, those who are in power especially, they will take the opportunity of bringing promises, declaring promises.
They are not declaring schemes but they bring uh promises of development and other uh you know promises to the people during the campaign that can be uh also be taken care of by the conduct because such kind of promises also will affect the electionary system in the election. So these are the issues that we would like to bring to the uh notice of everyone concerned here in this workshop for further deliberations and perhaps sir uh from the party we believe that we believe in the principles of politics. We stand for that and always go by that and at the end of the day we feel that mandate is not something that can be with money should be.
So therefore any practice any mechanism that leads to the buying of votes is condemnable and as the party we stand against. So therefore we would like to bring to uh your notice and everyone concerned today issues related to words.
Thank you very much.
Thank you Dr. Rami for sharing your views with us. We will now like to felicitate the representatives of the political parties who are present here today. And so I request our chief guest Shri Fderick Roy Kakmur IAS principal secretary to the government of Mhalia to kindly felicitate the representatives who are present here today. So I would like to call forward a one representative from each party to kindly come forward from the National People's Party, from the Voice of the People's Party, the United Democratic Party, Bharatya Janata Party, the Indian National Congress and the Hills People's Democratic Party, those who are present here today to kindly come forward for the solicitation.
We request our chief guest to kindly felicitate the academic experts who are also present here today. Mr. Shishi Tiwari, assistant professor, department of law, Northeastern Hill University.
Professor K. Debarma, Department of Political Science, Northeastern Hill University.
And Professor Dipendu Sinharoy, Dean, Research and Consultancy, National Institute of Technology, Malia.
It is now my distinct honor to invite our chief guest Shri Fderick Roy Khakumar IAS principal secretary to the government of Malia who also served as our former chief electoral officer to kindly grace the podium and deliver his speech.
A very good morning. Thank you. Nissa uh chief officer Dr. uh state police officer and IG addition CEO um all the representatives of the political parties here uh faculties from northeastern university and expert speakers officers who have come from all 12 districts uh other key stakeholders and uh ladies and gentlemen uh at the very outset Let me congratulate the office of the chief electoral officer for having organized this very important workshop uh as part of the election commission uh objective to ensure that there is wider dissemination wider amplification of the uh objectives of the model code of conduct. Um when uh Dr. Tiwari invited me here uh my memories went back to time when I was chief electoral officer and uh all the various uh challenges that we faced uh during right from 200 uh 16 to 2023 uh with conducting various bi-elections state assembly elections uh parliamentary bi-elections I think we've we conducted more than 20 elections I think during that period and um So but what uh in fact what came in I what my memory struck out was one interaction with group of young students at one of the uh you know programs we had on voter awareness and when a young student asked me as to how do you define the model code of conduct. So uh to define it in a simple way is difficult but I but I asked the student I said have you travel by flight. He said yes, I have gone to Delhi and to Ka by flight. So I asked him how was your experience? He said yes it was a good experience but it it was interesting for me that we all have to observe protocols whether we are 60 years old or whether we are 12 years old whether is a baby or whether it's an old man or whether it is a high dignitary or whether is a student we all have to observe the protocol when we arrive at the airport we have to ensure that we are there at least with sufficient time before we enter the aircraft and when we are inside the aircraft We all have to wear seat belts and when we uh are in the plane once the uh uh the the pilot and the you know and the stewards say that uh we cannot get up while uh the plane is taking off. We all have to observe it and while we u uh while we land we we all have to sit still. We can't suddenly get up and take you know our luggages. We all have to absorb protocol. Whether we are young or old, whether we're a student or whether whether we're a dignitary or whether we are a minister, we all have to absorb protocols. Seat belts have to be worn.
Um we have to ensure that we sit still when the plane lands. Uh we have to ensure protocols. Motor code of conduct is like that. It applies to everyone.
Protocols have to be have to be maintained by one and all. Once we board the flight, we have to ensure that the rules are maintained. No one can break that protocol. Even if you're the president or the prime minister or you are just a student, all of them have to observe that protocol because that protocol is meant for everyone. So it is basically the very essence of the word model code of conduct means to ensure a model playing field. Now we know that World Cup fever is on. We're all watching football games. Some of us can And uh we know that the referee is the person who can pull out the yellow card and give a warning, who can pull out the red card if there's a foul and who can even send off the player from the field if there's a violation. So in the similar way the election commission and the rules of the model code of conduct are like that referee to ensure that when the teams play on the field that there is level playing field. There cannot be any preferential treatment uh the referee cannot look the other way uh when there is an infringement the or when there is a foul. He cannot allow a ghoul if there is an offsite. If there's an offsite you will not be able to allow that goal.
Just the just the other day there was a game between uh Argentina and uh uh and Algeria and the great Lionel Messi the boat the greatest of all time. He scored a goal but it was declared an offside goal. Now he cannot be allowed to say that it is a goal just because I'm Messi.
So in the same way model code of conduct in spirit at least it should represent that in spirit it should uh it should be fair and it should be equal and it should represent u uh you know u the you know the level playing field. I know that challenges are there. It is it is easy to say that there is level playing field everywhere. I have conducted elections uh along with my team the district officials have conducted elections. You will be conducting elections. You have conducting elections. Our friends from the political parties are there. They have been campaigning. They have been contesting. Some of them have been parties in opposition. Some of them have are parties in power. They understand very uh distinctly all the realities that are there in spirit. We all believe that there should be level playing field. However, we we believe that uh that the rules should apply to only the other side. It should not apply to us.
That is the reality.
So however we have to keep on having these programs so as so that we can deal with the various challenges as far as possible to the extent possible uh from election commission from the district machinery from the political parties they will uh all try to uh you know find ways and means to ensure that there's a level playing field but I know that in reality on the ground it is very difficult And uh another point is that um the new challenges uh one of our speakers talked about the three M's uh misinformation, muscle and money power. Well, in Megalia, fortunately, muscle power is not so much a factor thankfully because of the civilized uh you know uh and because of the civility and because of the decorum that is largely there in the behavior of uh of our people and in the courtesies that are there. But money and uh misinformation uh is a is an emerging challenge that is there and uh how do we tackle that?
Well, yesterday I was attending a program on the criminal laws the launch of the criminal laws. Mr. Delton was there with us in that program and uh one of the solutions or one of the spirits that seeks to address uh and to ensure that criminal laws are made uh effective is the T3. Now again when I talk about T3 I I don't mean the terminal T3 in Delhi airport. What I mean by T3 is basically timelines plus technology will bring about trust.
So if we are able if the chief election if the chief electoral officer and his team uh can respond to various grievances within timelines there was no point if you uh if you take action after the election is over but while the heat of the moment if there is a complaint if you can take action send the model code of conduct teams enforce uh make enforcements within particular time then it is effective timeline is very important and technology Now we have the benefit of technology.
Uh we were just talking about C vigil.
Election commission had launched an app called C Vigil which empowers the citizen to upload videos, upload pictures if they uh and uh also political parties citizens. So the C vigil is there they can upload pictures, videos uh and it will have a time stamp and the and the teams and the MCC teams should have to respond. So technology so timeline plus technology will ensure trust. So that is the new uh philosophy of T3 that we call if we are able to combine timelines and technology then we'll bring about greater trust. It is difficult all the time. I'm sure that because of connectivity issues because maybe sometimes the model code of conduct teams are not present everywhere. It will uh it will be a challenge but if two three such uh swift action is taken two three numbers of swift action is taken it will at least bring about trust in the institution of the uh CEO in the institution of the election commission you'll bring about trust it'll it'll uh it will also prove to be a deterrent that yes there are eyes and ears that are watching and there are and and and there is a genuine intent to ensure that there is a level playing field.
Another uh point that we uh that we need to address is that uh when we talk about elections uh or any other thing there is the three Fs funds, functions and functionaries.
Now there is always a complaint about uh you know funding and there's always a a complaint about uh uh you know about the functionaries whether they are behaving in an objective manner or not and whether the funds are being deployed in such a way that it is you know leading to a bias.
Uh so the three Fs I urge the chief election officer the chief electoral officer and his team to uh look very closely at funds functions and functionalities once election code is announced because because the model code of conduct it is only effective within that period of MCC which is uh before the polls start that that window and uh so you you have to ensure that funds functions and uh you know and functionalities uh uh are you know that that there is cooperation there's consensus amongst all to ensure that there's uh that there is uh you know that that there is understanding uh of of ensuring that the level playing field will be ensured at the grassroots.
Well now uh when we when I was CEO this whole digital uh challenge was emerging.
It was not there to that extent but it was uh you know it was emerging uh but now of course it's it's full scale I mean the misinformation the disinformation the hate speeches the cyber threats the online manipulation the unregulated digital campaigning all that is deep fakes uh all that is uh you know is u is across the board now so this is also a a new challenge in those When I was CEO, there was only one officer at the election commission in Delhi and only he had the power to take down tweets and to take down posts and to take down u you know all the uh you know inflammatory material. So I don't know whether now at the state level you have uh an officer who can also uh on with uh with with all these digital uh you know giants and take down tweets. I remember there was a there was a misleading tweet uh during our time and we had to reach out to to to Delhi and the then the response also was was not very swift uh because they they in turn had to talk to the their counterpart in Delhi and he had to get approval from his counterpart in the United States because all these platforms are based in the in the US. So I think now maybe the mechanism may be softer but during those days when it was still emerging it was uh quite a challenge for us. Um apart from that uh some of the um speakers before had also mentioned that we we should ensure that the level of toxicity well uh politics should be competitive. After all many parties are jostling to ensure that they are in power. So there is huge competition to ensure that uh to to present before the people that they are the uh that they are the parties that will bring about development that will lead the state and that is healthy that is democracy and uh it is fully within their right to ensure that they that uh that they champion uh their you know um their different perspectives to give the option to the people to select the best uh formation.
But at the same time uh it can be done as uh one of our speakers said with dignity. It can be done with dignity without toxicity. Thankfully that toxicity is not so much in Megalia as it is in other states. But uh wherever there is um uh you know the tendency for that toxicity to rise, I think the CEO can always engage with the political parties can always discuss with them. Uh and and uh and most of our political parties and most of our leaders are are very uh mature and civilized leaders. We are thankful for that and and most of the time that toxicity doesn't uh exceed uh more than what uh you know is is acceptable because the society itself uh is against that kind of toxic uh you know uh you know element. One one interesting uh statement I think made by one of the speakers Mr. David was that verify before you amplify. So I think that that is a very useful statement for the election machinery also that one must verify before we amplify because we we have to ensure that the we check the facts. Sometimes uh emotions and sentiments drive many things but uh we have to ensure that we verify and then only we can amplify. Uh so that applies to the election machinery as well.
Apart from that um the themes that you have touched preserving electoral integrity, emerging challenges in election campaigns, uh need for institutional selling uh for for institutional strengthening collaborative approaches I think is very important because the election machinery alone cannot bring about change. The political parties, the election machinery, the community, the the police, the NOS's, the academics, they all play a part. In fact, if you go back to the origin of the model code of conduct, it started in Kerala in the 1960. In the 1960s, model code of conduct started as a consensus based approach. Everyone came together and they said let us agree to certain rules together. Right? It it did not come out as a rule from the government. But it came out of an understanding. It was born out of understanding between the political parties and the administration and they all agreed to a set code of principles and uh then this was further institutionalized uh in uh you know in the 1990s it was instit institutionalized and then uh some rules were uh brought into place some agreed fundamentals were um you know were uh brought about and so this started out a collaborative approach. So it is only through this consensus and collaborative approach that the model code of conduct will be effective.
It it will not be effective only if it is uh you know you know enforced but it it will be uh it will be enforceable if there is an inclusive understanding that yes we agree to certain broad principles that there are certain boundaries that we cannot cross or in Hindi they say laxan there are certain laxanas that we cannot cross so those there are certain boundaries within which we have to play in a game also we have to play within within a fixed set of rules within a boundary. So this collaborative approach is also very important. If you turn your gaze to misoram in in misoram there is the common platform there my colleague who was CEO he said I never have to enforce model code of conduct because from the community itself they they have what is known as common platform. So all the political parties they agree to to you know to campaign and to and debate on a common platform the so there is a common platform approach in misoram so that is a very beautiful uh you know uh experiment that has uh that has taken shape and that has been brought down through a consensus approach between the community and uh and the authorities and that's why in misaram you hardly hear of any uh violation of model code of conduct or the CEO doesn't have to do much to enforce model of code of conduct because there is that broad consensus about common platform form in Misoram.
So those have been born out of this consensus approach. Then another aspect which is promoting innovation, ethical campaigning. This this workshop that you are having now is part of that process and I appreciate the CEO and his team for having invited political parties, academics, uh the election authorities, uh you know various civil society organizations because it is out of this discussion out of this uh sharing of ideas or another word in Hindi mantan.
No, out of this mantan that that that something can be born which is fruitful and part of you know dialogue sharing.
Another uh aspect that uh that I would like to highlight is that um as we go into the elections um they there must be increasing conversations and dialogues with with these stakeholders.
uh and there must be uh a big focus on perception management because model code of conduct is all about perception also. If if they feel that that the that the authorities are not selective that they are fair then there is greater trust. So so managing of that perception is very important. You must not only implement the law but you must be seen to be implementing the law.
It must be felt. It must be seen. It must be u you know uh part of a you know of a process where the citizen feels that if I go to the uh to the authorities if I look to the political parties they will maintain decorum they will they will maintain um uh you know the they will adhere to the agreed principles. So it's not only about the existing of the law but the feeling that the that I feel that the law is fair and it is not selective. So perception management is also very important right from the point of view of the election authorities uh along with the with the cooperation of the of the political parties and also uh together with the um you know with all the stakeholders. So the the perception that yes uh it is an equal law it is a selective law. So, perception management is also very important and tied to that is voter awareness and uh and we must be very careful because we are living in an era where the young are very much exposed. The young people digitally exposed they they are aware of many issues. They are thinking of so many issues. They are alive to many issues. So, the challenges are there.
As a parent, I'm I'm the parent of you know of of teenagers and uh many of the times the questions that they ask me I'm not able to answer because they know more of the answers than I do. Right? So in the same way the the younger lot have so many of the answers because they are more exposed to so many uh so much input so much knowledge and uh you know so uh you so it is a challenge for the election authorities to be ahead of it.
to be ahead of the curve sometimes as they say I'm using another metaphor from sports when when a curve ball is thrown how do you deal with it so um these are some of the challenges that are there and uh all I can say is that uh also I I urge the CEO and his team to engage with the young people a lot of ideas come with come from them a lot of uh fresh perspectives come from them they will also be able to share with you some very uh uh you know some very interesting uh you know ideas.
In fact this electoral literacy campaign ELC which we have in the election commission came about after discussing with uh you know with with the institutions they said that uh we need to engage with with the young people more and we need to have uh more campaigns in the institutions. So that's why the ELC came about. So through the uh through the institutions of the young people, the communities, the sang samlas which you have in the various um you know uh localities, the youth groups, all these issues can be discussed so that uh there is a uh there is a wider and a greater sense of what is being uh taught and what is being amplified through the model code of conduct. Um so these are just a few thoughts that that I have at this point of time. Uh many of the previous speakers have dwelt at length on the legal perspective. They have dwelt at length on the moral perspective. They have focused on the practical uh challenges. So I will not focus on those things. So I'm thankful to the CEO for giving me this platform for sharing a few thoughts. Uh I have not come with any structured speech but uh you know a sharing of a few thoughts with all of you as uh we go into uh the next cycle of elections and I wish the CEO and his team and all the political parties uh uh and all the stakeholders who are here election authorities all the very best and uh like in the past Megla has been known as a state that has upheld uh electoral integrity uh to the extent possible. I hope that I hope and I trust that uh in the coming elections also uh the same spirit will drive forward in the spirit of T3 technology timelines which will bring about trust.
Thank you.
Thank you so much sir for once again highlighting and simplifying the role of the model code of conduct especially for the students and uh some of the lay people like me who are here present today and for also to reiterating once again the importance of the level playing field across parameters in elections.
I would now like to call upon Shri Banari Molong IAS the additional chief electoral officer Malia to kindly propose the vote of hand.
Thank you sir.
I would like to propose the word of thanks as we come to the conclusion of this uh inaugural session. In fact that job was just thrust to me just like few seconds back. Anyway, um first of all, I'd like to thank our chief guest.
Frederick Roy is principal secretary to the governmental was also ex CEO as you can hear from his speech. He's got a vast experience that we always look back to his work which has you know the road for all of us makes our work easier and he had a very strong connection with the election commission of India also whenever we go there we always see you know his work which he has laid down for all of us as in fact the state of Malia has been put on the electoral map because of a lot of work that sir has done I'd also like to uh thank sir siri dingdo is commission secretary of DCA uh he after his speech he had to leave because he got other engagements um I'd like to thank our state nal police officer Dan Marak IPS he's also very always plays a very active role whenever elections are there he's always there for with us working with us and his entire police team police machinery is always there right up to the grassroot level up the district and um I'd like to thank also uh the political parties who are here able to share their thoughts with us Dr. David Karandi from the NPP Dr. Rani and in fact he had to leave because he's got some other program he was also ready to give speech to us and um in fact uh our chief secretary who supposed to be with us Dr. I'd just like to give a word of thanking for him because in spirit he was there.
Uh he always supporting us, always has our back. In fact, yesterday evening I heard our CEO trying to talk to him.
And uh last one of the least among the dignitaries, I'd like to also thank our host, our chief electoral officer, Dr. uh who's spearheaded this entire program and uh in fact to also congratulate him for theatic work done by him and his team in the model code of conduct which has been presented before the election commission India when they were doing all this work I had not yet rejoined the district and when I came back I heard that this was done in fact just yesterday we came back from and we work is done by many of these states including our state of uh of course like to thank all of you who are present here uh right from the district officers uh from the different institutions institutions the legal institutions police and any other who might not be aware of but then I know that you're here to thank all of you and also to to spare this place for us because sometimes when we hold events like this, it's quite difficult to run around and find a convenient place.
It's quite new and perfect for a setting like this. So with that, I'd like to once again thank everyone for being here and uh we'll not have tea break as printed in the tea has been served to all but what we'll do is we just have a 5 minute bio break before we start we'll have a very brief break and uh let us reconvene here in this hall at exactly 12. Thank you so much.
Um can I have your attention? There are two short announcements I would like to make before we take this short break.
Firstly is that a questionnaire in the Google sheet link will be shared to all the participants both virtually and physically. So kindly take a few minutes to fill up the feedback regarding this workshop on the model code of conduct and we request all the participants to kindly collect their certificates at the end of the workshop. And now I formally hand over the proceedings of the technical sessions to our moderator Shanari Molong IAS additional chief electoral officer. Thank you.
So a brief announcement uh before we begin uh slight change in the program uh you must have heard it was announced in the morning that we'll be having the track one then Q&A then track two Q&A track three uh Q and Q&A and then the general interaction but uh for posity of time and for us to save time what we'll do is we'll go one by one track one track two track three track four and uh whatever questions you may be having for the speakers please reserve them with you and the at the end of all the four speakers then we'll take up the Q&A session what we will do to make it more systematic uh we'll collect all your questions if you can just write them down in pieces of paper and uh put the question and the name of the questioner in that piece of paper and hand it over to Jeff. He's the one who's coordinating this entire program, the one who's there walking towards the front. You give your questions to him. Uh why we're doing this is because sometimes some questions become repetitive and you can filter if there any repetitions then you can avoid those questions. We can combine or if three questions are common can club them together common related questions so you be more systematic. We will not break for lunch. We will have lunch till the entire technical session is over. Don't worry uh tea will be flowing. So we can have second round of tea also. It's okay. We will not leave you hungry. Uh that way also it'll again save time because once we go for lunch break then we will loiter around and we have to call you all back in. So let's be done with the technical session and then after that we can break for lunch and then we can discuss. So um let us start straight away without further delay. Um I like to start with um track one beginning this uh beginning of this technical session.
He is an assistant professor at the department of law at Northastern University Neu. Prior to joining Neu, he was a legal consultant at the South Asian regional delegation of the international committee of the Red Cross ICRC.
His areas of research interests include international law, cooperative law, comparative law, international environmental law, and currently he's teaching public international law.
and information technology law to undergraduate students and international environmental law to postgraduate students at NEU. Mr. Tari has one book and 15 research articles to his credit under the MHRD UGC EPG pala project a project to develop econtent in 71 subjects at the postgraduate level. He has contributed a module to the international human rights law paper of the law subject. Mr. Tiwari is a member of the IUCN World Commission on Environmental Law. He's also a core committee member of the Mail chapter of the Indian National Trust for Art and Culture Heritage in Today. He's going to cover the topic foundations and legal frameworks of ethical election campaigning.
Please put together your hands as we welcome Mr. Shishi Tawari, assistant professor, Department of Law Neu. Uh Mr. You have 15 minutes for a session and good for inviting me to share my views.
I will speak on foundation and legal framework of ethical election campaigns.
Basically in this presentation I will mainly focus primarily focus on Indian situation uh that what is the law which deals with the ethical election campaign in India.
So now we are talking about the election campaign.
Uh in a democracy we know that elections are very important.
Without election, democracy is having no meaning.
And in democracy and in election uh the election campaign they are also very much important because uh if the uh campaign during election if they if it is not free and fair uh it will have a detrimental impact on the whole election process and ultimately it will make an adverse impact on the democracy as such.
Now regulation of election campaign is very much required because as a speakers have told in the first session that it provides basically it uh provides a fair you can say can say the equal ground play and basically it is also required to tackle the corrupt practices which might have detrimental impact on the whole election process.
Now when we are talking about the model of election uh campaign regulation, if you look at the laws of various countries, how uh the laws are regulating election campaign all over the world, basically you'll find that there are two types of model.
one is the uh soft law uh which is voluntary consensus based ethical code and the other one is the hard means the uh the statutory. So there are two different models. There are some countries who are following uh the the consensus based based model which is also called as soft law and apart from that there there are some countries who are following uh the uh hard law model basically the statutory uh law. Uh and in between there is another can say model is also there which is hybrid in nature. For example, let me tell you uh if you talk about India in India basically uh the uh we are following if you look at carefully we are following the uh consensus based model to regulate election campaign. However, if you look at South Africa uh in South Africa they are following the uh the hard law model.
Basically we are having the statute which deals with the election campaign in the form of the which is known as electoral act of 1998.
Now in between there is hybrid model.
For example UK in UK they are having the consensus based model as well. Apart from that they're also having the uh the statutes as well. uh for example the uh the campaign uh you can say uh this campaign spending or you can say donation transparency all these matters are dealt with the help of laws whereas the media access and you can say that media access this particular part is is or the behavioral aspect of election regulation of election campaign is dealt it is based on the consensus based Now, now coming to the Indian situation, how campaigns are regulated in election campaigns are regulated in India? As I have told you that in India uh basically we are follow basically we are following the consensus based model and in India campaigns are regulated with the help of model code of conduct and I think most of you know that the MCC uh basically it was firstly introduced in 1960 in K election and then it was once again it was once again used uh in the for the very first time in 1962.
Since then we are following this model code of conduct and the India's model code of conduct is unique. Why? Because as I have told you that it is based on the consensus based model. But if you look at the reality and if you look at the practical scenario you'll find that that the provisions of MCC are being complemented with the help of the laws which are in existence in India. So the point here is that India's model code of conduct is a premier global example of uh an evolutionary bridge between political consensus and now come to the basis of model code of conduct.
How on what basis MCC has come into existence? We have to understand the basis of the MCC in India.
Now uh the MCC is having a basis uh under article 324 of the Indian constitution which basically gives the power in the hand of election commission of India to specifically supervise to direct and to control the election. So article uh article 324 is very wide in nature. It is very comprehensive in nature and as mentioned in one case which I have mentioned here in the MS MS case. In that case it has been pointed out to court of India that is article 324 is is it is it acts as a plary reservoir of power and uh ECI basically is is using that article uh to you can say to ensure free and fair election by applying by using the model code of conduct. Now the same point was once again emphasized in those two cases which I have mentioned and then in the latest of year 2013 in the in super bali case. In that case once again the Supreme Court has pointed out that that uh that that ECI can issue order uh in pursuance of MCC uh and that is very much you can say that ECI can do that thing because of the article 324 of the Indian constitution.
Now come to the key provisions of the model code of conduct the MCC. Now you can see the the key pros on the slide.
Now I have pointed out the key provisions of the MCC. Now if you look at that on the point of general conduct uh of multiple parties must be limited to their policies, programs, past record and work and the following activities have been prohibited. uh using past and communal feelings to secure votes driving candidates on the basis of unverified reports driving or ination of voters.
Now come to the point of how MCC is dealing with the meetings during election during election time. Now the parties must inform the local authorities of the venue and time and on the point of procession uh if two or more candidates plan procession along the same route organizations organizers must Establish context in advance to ensure that the procession do not clash.
Uh carrying and running representing members of other part is also not allowed as per the MCC.
Now uh under MCC what parties in power are supposed to do okay during election campaign. Now the parties in power are having more responsibility under MC.
They're having more duties under MCC.
Why? Because they in power they having authoritative position. So keeping that thing in mind if you look at the MCC it imposes number of obligation on the part of the parties in power and those of the points which I have mentioned here which which have been mentioned in the MCC.
The ministers must not combine official visit with the election work. Uh the ruling party must avoid advertising at the cost of public exe must not announce any financial grants or promise any cons of roles without drinking water etc. All parties candidate should not haveable assets accesses and rest houses authorities shall not lay foundation etchers.
All these responsibilities have been mentioned under the MCC regarding the use of vehicles. MCC is having number of provisions. For example, each contested candate will be only three vehicles on the day. No limit for own vehicles which use may use for purpose deployed by campaign should not be administration. Now on the point of the star campaigner, MCC also points out certain things. The star campaign that under the RPA act it talks about the star campaigner and now under the MCC so party can have 14 number of star camper whereas unrest parties can have number of star campaign. Now as per MCC if any stock campaign is issued notice MCC notice will also be issued to the political party concerned the political party supposed to be star campaigner to ensure compliance with the MCC the campaign of star campaign is to by the CEO DEO RO and the observer and one more thing as per the as for the MCC the money which will be spent by the star camper will not go in the expendure incurred by the candidate. It will go in the account of the concerned political party.
Now, uh these are some provisions with regard to the use of public property for under the MCC. Uh use of parks, playground on should be on an equitable basis. Grounds of the school and colleges are only in areas where alterative grounds are not available.
Use of space in public properties for ing display is all these things are prohibited. State transition shall not be used for political advertisement. All these things have been promitted under MCC.
Now these are some provisions which temporary campaign office or political parties under the MCC. It points out certain things have been pointed out under the MCC that the temporary campaign option office not to be set up in enclosed property. They should not be opened in a religious space. They should not be in place to any hospital, educational institution. They should not in the 200 of an existing uh polling station. So all these things have been mentioned with regard to the temporary campaign office in the MC.
Now come to the point of election management. Now that is somewhat debatable nowadays. Uh but uh the point here is that uh if you look at the MCC And so this particular portion should be read in in the Supreme Court in the Sbalaji s uh you can say as supreme simal case. Now as per the MCC promise or as per the Supreme Court as well that the promises in election election manifestos are not a correct practice. Election manifesto shall not contain anything to the ideals and principles of the constitution.
manifesto should reflect the rational for the promises and indicate the means to meet the financial requirement. So all these things have been mentioned in the MCC and as in and in the shati case the Supreme Court has pointed out that if a political party is making promise under the manifesto that will not be that will not be treated as bribe under the under the RPA act.
Now the period of enforcement removable that the MCC the the MCC comes into operation with immediate effect on the announcement of election uh schedule by the ECI and it remains enforcable uh until the election process is complete.
Next now come to the legal status of the MCC now. So that is the main portion of uh my presentation. The point here is we have discussed that the MCC is based on it is it is it is based on the consensus model. Uh and this is MCC is not enforceable by law. This is this is it is it is based on the consensus model and it is not enforceable by law.
However, the certain provisions of the MCC, they are having corresponding provisions under the uh BNS 203 as well as the BNSS 2003 and the RPA act of 1951.
So the point here is that although MCC is not legally enforcable but there are number of under MCC and those provisions have been we can say covered under the respective criminal laws for example BNS which was it was IPC and under the RPA act of 1951. So you can you can look at all these things which have been mentioned under MCC and all those things have been criminalized under the DNS as well as under the RPA act under the RPA act of 1951. For example, if you look at the point number one imbalance in any activity which may aggravate existing offenses, existing defenses or past create mutual hatred or to different parts and communities. That is an offense under section 123 3A of RPA of 1951. So that has been mentioned in the MCC and it is also has been criminalized under 23 of the RPA of 1951. Apart from that appeal to cast or communal feelings for securing vote that has been under 123 and 125 of the RPA of 1951. Apart from that to voters that has under the MCC and that that is an offense under 123 of the RPA and under 170 of the BNS.
Similarly, intention of that has been under MCC and that is an offense under 135A C of the RPA. Similarly, impersonation of voter is is prohibited under IP under the MCC and that is an offense under section 172 of the BNS of 2023. Similarly, canvasing under that is that has been put under the MCC and that has been criminalized under 130 of the RP of 1951.
Now look at all these points. All these things have been mentioned have been covered MCC and the same things have been under the respective for example holding a public meeting during period of 40 48 hours now within ending within the hours for the to that is an offense under 61 Similarly, transport and conveyance of voters to and from polling station that has been that has been put under the MCC and that has been criminalized under the 125 and 133 of the RPA. Similarly, creating obstruction in the meeting of the other political party that is that has been proed under the MCC and that has been primalized under 127 of the RPA. Similarly serving liquor or liquor on the poly pouring day that has been primalized under 135 of the RPA of 1951.
So my point is simple that although MCC is consensual in nature but the there are number of things which have been covered MCC and those things have been criminalized under the number under the BNS and under the RPA of 1951. Next now look at the next point. The point is that that any person or political party having a grievance in relation to any of the above above all practices may take legal recourse under laws mentioned above. Now apart from that that if uh if if a political party or if if a candidate in election is basically violating the provisions of MC MCC now in that case EC ECI is also empowered under paragraph 16A of the election symbols of order of 68 to either suspend or withdraw a partition after giving it reason opportunity. Next the last two points are very much important now with because nowadays everyone is talking about the use of social media and use of uh use of you can say artificial intelligence in election process during election campaign. Now on those two points also the ECI has uh issued guidelines and issued advisory. Now on the point of social media, here are the points. The point number here is that all contesting candidates must fund retain of the country social media account at time of filing nomination. And apart from that uh whatever money is being spent by the political parties or the candidate in social media campaign now that will be under the category of the expenditure you can say done by the political party or candidate during the election campaign process. Now come to the point there is artificial intelligence. Now nowadays use of AI is AI is being used uh very frequently or at large scale during process during campaign. Now at the world level if you if you look at the if you look at the what is happening here under international standards three core principles have have emerged. Number one here is leveling disclosure. Number two here is take down and number three is accountability. Keeping that thing in mind in the year 2025 on 24th of October the ECI has issued an advisory and as for that advisory all political parties and candidate they have to ensure three things. First of all if they are creating uh you can say uh synthetically synthetic content or the artificial if they're using artificial intelligence to create an image or the video or the audio. Now in that case first of all they have to you can say they have they have to be accountable for that they have to point out very clear that it belongs to them. Apart from that the political parties or candidate what they have to do they are supposed to you can say the 10% of the the the video or the image should visibly display that it is it is an artificial it is and it is a synthetic content made by the use of artificial intelligence and apart from that if the if those if that video or the audio or the image is unlawful or misleading in that case the political parties or the candidates are having responsibility to take it down within 3 hour after it is notified to them.
Last one summing up. So the point here is that MCC duration campaign is a vital instrument to ensure free, fair and impartial and election and the countries need a robust or comprehensive legal framework to deter and counter corruption and in India MC although MCC lacks independent provisions however the ECI in India has achieved statutory enforcement by mapping behavioral violations directly to uh preexisting laws.
Thank you very much.
Thank you so much Mr. Shishawari for very insightful and crisp presentation on MCC the foundations and legal frameworks of election campaigning ethical election campaigning. Uh normally when we give training on MCC it takes at least 55 minutes because it's very elaborate uh and I wouldn't really sum up there but uh the takeaway is that NCC actually is not really bound by law it is not a law it is a code but then these the code all the points all the salient features of the code are all extracted from different acts and rules um thank you so much once again and uh our next speaker is actually supposed to be uh Dr. But I'll ask you to just keep on hold because uh um I'd like to call in fact now Mr. Sinhar Roy. Uh he has to uh rush off because uh after tomorrow we are conducting the neat exam under the NTA and uh both him and I we are involved in this. That's why you must have seen me darting out of the room all the time because I'm trying to coordinate. I just came to know just a few days back that I have to do this and it has got experience on this. He has to go and run and set up and after that I have to come follow uh so um we will exchange the session so Dr. Kam speak um so coming to uh the topic which he will speak on is under track four just a brief introduction about uh Mr. Professor Tenduhoy is a senior academic and researcher currently a professor in the department of computer science and engineering and dean research and consultancy at the national institute institute of technology or NIT in Halia based in Sora and institute of national importance.
Um he has earned a PhD in engineering in 2010 and has contributed significant significantly to computing and communication technologies. His research spans internet of things, next generation networks, edge for computing, smart city infrastructure and intelligent systems. He has authored over 250 publications including books, high impact scientific journals and conference papers with 3,600 plus citations and age index.
As dean, he promotes interdisciplinary research, secures project funding and fosters national and international collaborations. He has supervised sponsor projects on edge enabled smart city systems, IoT, Internet of Things, service architectures and next generation communication frameworks among others. A senior member of IT E and ACM, he continues to mentor students and lead research initiatives.
recognized for academic excellence. He received a travel grant from the French embassy in India 2022 to collaborate at the LI laboratory called Beyond. Uh, Professor Roy was listed among the top 2% researchers worldwide in 2025 by Stanford University. Professor Roy is now going to lead the conversation on emerging challenges and global cooperation. Election campaigning uh as we know has um evolved a lot evolved rapidly with expansion of digital communication, social media, artificial intelligence and datadriven political outreach.
While these developments have improved voter engagement, they have also introduced challenges such as misinformation, disinformation, hate cyber threats and misuse of state resources, online manipulation and unregulated digital campaigning. We've heard that in the inaugural session also many were speaking about that and uh so now uh what uh so electoral institutions worldwide are now increasingly required to adapt to these regulatory and enforcement mechanisms to address these emerging issues. So uh now the the track four topic is emerging challenges and global And I'd like to call upon the you have 15 minutes and you try to thank you very much Mr. Mong for the kind introduction was very comprehensive.
So uh building on as professor Kari has already introduced the legal framework and the foundations of uh model code of conduct. I'll be speaking on the global challenges particularly which are brought as professor already pointed out with the advent and abrupt use of artificial intelligence and uh this pet snakes that we have all of us mobiles uh which gives us a lot of power but also brings this potential uh pitfalls. So uh come to the next. So just uh what I will do is that based on the detailed report which was prepared by the uh CEO team meala for as part of a report which we prepared for the international idea work. So I have summarized the points which I'll showcase but I'll follow the trail of our chief guest morning because he was speaking of uh uh rules being set. So if MCC is the set of rules for uh this game of elections and campaign management and FIFA being the body which manages football similarly ECI being the uh body who controls all of them. So we'll just see some of the few cases uh I I mean not the exact cases but some of the areas which can uh create problems in terms of the uh challenges brought in by AI and use of mobile and digital technologies at large. Also as the topic suggests we'll also speak about uh not just the challenges but also how ways and means that uh these these very important u challenges how they can be addressed. So it's it's just like in a in a game of football. It's you can think of it as a very it's like a fight proper fight. How could I say a cat fight if you know what it means? They are really nasty. If you have seen cats fight So fortunately in Megala what all the speakers in the morning also told you it's not like that but in other parts they're really nasty. So small uh rather sometimes also uh inadvertent inadvertent misinformation might lead to grave consequences and and just like in a game of football uh the participants are there to win in the morning. The uh political parties the spokesman they had their views they had their dos and do nots their liability to I mean their their commitment to stick to the rules but then when the when it becomes a it becomes difficult at the heat of the moment. So keeping all this mind we'll just try to see like uh as the election commissioner of India or for that matter any uh election management body has to take care of uh these rules and regulations to cater to the rising challenges in terms of uh which are brought about newly by AI and the use of other digital technologies. So uh uh we can go to the next because although freedom of political expression has to be there. So democratic freedoms are there and in in an election process regulatory objectives like in terms of what ECI for example or for that matter any EM election management body has to ensure his electoral integrity. So many a times freedom of political expression and electoral uh integrity might come in the way of each other.
Okay. So so so it's it's very difficult uh to become a referee in this case like which defines the boundary boundary of where freedom is muzzled and where the electoral integrity is lost.
So that means and think of the case the the role of any election management body it's very very difficult to like uh say that this has crossed the line or not you get my point. So any third party getting into uh like you can think of a referee in case of a football match many times they get manhandled also in the heat of the moment because at that heat of the moment one party thinks that that I was right freedom of political expression and he's I mean uh unduly accusing me or thinking that I am at fault. Okay. So the point here is that uh nobody wants to volunteer but ECI has a mandate of doing it so they do it.
It's a risky business. Uh nonetheless somebody has to do it. So uh in the MCC we are like uh I mean there are ways and means or provisions at least we are trying to identify uh that what are the loopholes where they can where can be the possibilities of possible interventions. Okay next slide. So uh traditionally campaign financing as professor professor Kiwari also mentioned political advertising. So these were the areas where uh the rules of mandates of uh MCC covered campaign rallies, public meetings, uh how to hold, how not to hold, what are the restrictions and these are all this is an evolving process. You see although MCC the term and in the election use as pointed out 1962 it started. So but the MCC rules and regulations must have evolved over time. Similarly in the emerging areas of social media campaigning, online political advising, datadriven campaigning uh usage of AI generated contents and the use of digital ecosystems like the different platforms Facebook uh X so on and so forth. So so you can't rule them out of the uh political discourse. So you can't rule political parties out of using all these medium and because they can use somebody has to monitor them. It's a big challenge on the election management body's point point of view. Try to understand all the data for for example datadriven campaigning. Somebody using Facebook for campaigning or uh some somebody using X for their I mean uh digital information ecosystem. So it can be anything can be YouTube political parties run their campaigns advertisements there. So unfortunately these cannot these are not governed by the any EM it's not governed by the election commission of India that they will say that you you take down this content getting my point or not so they are all owned by different areas similarly so there are challenges uh corresponding to this also come to the next slide so uh the there is a challenge in terms of the physical boundary because all of these online campaigns online ecosystems which exist they they they do not have any physical boundaries first of all. Then uh also another important aspect is that uh see rules of the land applies to uh to any company. So if you are using the for for example for the uh online digital ecosystems if you are using Facebook uh or X or for that matter any of these digital uh ecosystem tools uh they're not I I mean there are companies registered in some other countries. So they they are bound to follow rules and regulations whatever as per them. So sometimes they follow their rules they apply their logic in terms of mediate medi what should I say uh mediating the campaigns the ads so on and so forth which we do not like. So there are international uh boundaries also which brings in a lot of challenge for any embs uh if there are cross uh I mean cross boundary partners in the digital ecosystem. Fine. So uh once we have set the tone like what are the global challenges we just see uh just for the namesake mentioned these are some of the uh in in the report that was present prepared by the meala team uh the international frameworks which we studied in terms of finding finding out the challenges and so forth is the United Nations election assistance systems the international idea of course uh then the Venice commission code of good practices in electoral matters and organization of American states and uh not to forget last but not the least African charter on democracy election and governance. So these were some of the uh uh international institutions which we followed and uh however although I mean the uh institutions are pan across the different countries different uh for that matter the different continent still the common principles across the frameworks are the same. which has been pointed out by CC and also by the earlier speakers uh the fairness and political equality across for all parties, transparency and accountability uh by the EMBs the election management bodies uh ensuring the democratic participation ensuring electoral integrity and the respect for democratic rights. So these are these cut across all the institutions you can come to the next uh so I'll not emphas on this because as I told you already basically all of these frameworks have their the primary focus is still the same uh frameworks emphasize the same democratic principles. You can go to the next slide and uh the founding principles remain the same. The key term we have been hearing every now and then level I mean providing a level playing field uh for all political contestants equal access to media and communication channels. uh transparency in campaign finance very important uh fair use of state resources. So that distinction poses respect for democratic participation and credible and peaceful electoral competition.
to the next go to the next.
So uh in order to protect the democratic rights during campaigns uh so it's a you can think of it as a uh trap is balance very very important game so while uh I mean protecting the freedom of expression allowing people to assemble freedom of assembly while allowing the uh press to be like completely free and at the same time give access to people the parties uh electorates everybody and the freedom of association. So this is a very uh nifty game that any elector election management body has to so effective regulatory framework has to seek a proper balance between these uh electoral oversight and all these democratic freedoms. Next slide please.
So in order to in order to uh establish that balance uh the campaign code of conduct has some common standard starting with the uh have a legal framework of which the my earlier speaker professor Tari spoke at large the legal and legal framework of electoral campaigns. Then the campaign discourse should focus on policies programs exclusively. Then uh similarly uh campaign communication should avoid unverified allegations and misinformation. In India we know this happens but then uh the the everybody identifies that the common standard should not uh have should not have I mean there should be restrictions in terms of uh like usage of unverified allegations and misinformation. Then uh basic etiquates basic respect for the political uh rivals so to say. So that should be maintained. Media freedom should be respected and campaign activity should be conducted as per the like coded MCC code of next.
So similarly for accountability and enforcement mechanisms uh so there should be channels for alleged campaign violations. So which there are tools and techniques to do that I'll speak about that later on. Then support for continuous monitoring of the campaign activities. Then facilities for verification and examination of examination of the reported violations through established procedures. Then very important which our GPS again spoke about the maintaining the enable timely enabling timely measurement of to address the non-compliance and the mandatory regulatory standards then promoting accountability through enforcement measures. So it's not that just you just have a set of rules and then you promulgate some verdicts that this is right this is wrong. It's also about enforcement on the ground. So that's why law enforcement also comes under the ECI during the campaign period. So effective enforcement is central to the credibility of campaign regulation. Next slide. You can skip this. We go to the next slide and speak about uh the changing environment. So this as I told in my opening uh remarks the social media platforms. So they have a great impact in terms of enabling large scale dissemination and amplification of the campaign content. So now everything happens over Facebook right the advertisements the comments the observations so uh everything then instant messaging applications uh like WhatsApp and all during election times I'm sure we all follow that digital advertising networks this happens across any any content delivery network including YouTube and all then user generated contact uh content has great potential to impact campaign regulation in terms of like expanding participation in terms in content creation and information and real time information sharing. So this because campaign regulations have to happen in a timely manner. There are like time limits which are provided particularly by the election commissioner of India for whatever has to happen within 14 48 hours 24 hours.
So such regulations are already there and so any misconduct there has to be uh I mean immediately resolved. So responsibility fixing has to happen. actions has to be taken within time. And together these developments can actually transfer uh transform election campaigns from predominantly a mass communication model to to like uh dynamic network realtime information ecosystems where which can have actionable inputs in terms of what what what has to be what has to happen on the ground what has not to happen on the ground. Next slide please. So for all these challenges we can go to the next slide. We'll speak a bit about just go to the next next.
No not next.
So uh given the GPS was also speaking on it of course in Janu on January 22nd of this year 2026 the election commission of India has come up with uh a broader tool which uh I mean the CV is uh only a part of it part of it but CVG specifically focuses on our thing. So still uh so the overall umbrella tool is called the ECI uh net. So it it happens basically the entire ecosystem tools have been brought under a single umbrella. But the CBG application is what the timeliness that the GPS was referring to. So if there is any uh uh content which or any misconduct conduct which happens on the ground uh CV is an app which can be installed by any user any voter non voter doesn't matter any citizen of the country per se. So they can record videos uh record audio take videos photos and all these can be put up as uh geotagged information. Okay. So geoteag information with automatic timestamping. So they become uh uploaded to the CVG lab server and there is a time limit within uh I mean you can't upload something which has happened long back. So uh it has to be within 5 minutes I think that is the limit otherwise it doesn't allow to upload. So once they are uploaded within the next 15 minutes there there is there are special QRTs the quick response teams by the maintained by the chief electoral officers of the different states and those QRTs are supposed to immediately get activated they get notified about any such uploads they see into the authenticity and the and because they these are available publicly so usually they can crossverify it because any sorry any uh mal information or or something misconduct. So that happens usually is being uploaded by multiple users. So that can be verified and I think the time limit is within 15 minutes they come to a resolution to it and uh based on the resolution it again comes back to the uh electoral office back. So where the I mean based on that the actions can be taken in terms of like whatever may be the action depending on the event. So it can be blocking of some material I mean let's say some video or disqualifying something some candidate or disqualifying some members of a political party. So that can be anything. So because try to understand this process actually if you can be taken to the court of law and that will take months but the election will finish within before that. Getting my point? So uh in order that uh this next generation challenges brought in by uh AI AI can create a lot of uh contents in terms of uh watch videos so so and then once they are circulated it's very difficult for anybody not just the technologists like us but for that matter how do we distinguish between a fake video and a real one. So because distinction is not like and even if somebody can like fact checker can fact check and come back it takes a lot of time the damage can be done within that.
So uh this is one tool for campaign regulations which the ECI has come up with CD and similarly there are other tools for expenditure monitoring media certification and monitoring committees uh so overseeing the political content across the like what happens in the media broadcast media then uh then there are of course uh tools and techniques which can uh ensure whether social media guidelines are being followed or and uh technology assisted monitoring allows to systematically like do such surveillance across the different social media ecosystem tools. Okay. So these initiatives uh like can be seen as a set of like uh steps if you use them in conjunction with all the existing tools.
So this can give us institutional oversight in large electoral processes like what we have in India.
So you can go to the next slide. So in conclusion uh so the goal of election uh I I mean any election management body is to we start off with that the campaigns has to be regulated because unregulation I mean without regulation there can't be any uh competitive process. Elections are meant to be So campaign regulations are very important the heart of a free fair election process but then they need to be uh regulated and in order to regulate elections in the in challenging times where AI is there where computers are there mobile phones are there with everybody creation of content uh misinformation uh can be done at the is there at the fingertips it's very important that uh we also evolve means in terms of the election management bodies. So we also have to be at our toes in order to evolve with our responses to be ready with tools and techn technologies so that uh such misconducts can be tracked early and they can be acted upon. So and support all these uh foundational objectives electoral integrity fair ensuring fair competition among the political parties while maintaining transparency accountability and public confidence. So with all this I'm sure I think uh it's easier said than done but nonetheless once we have an idea about what are the tools and techniques and the pitfalls and the global challenges uh we at least remain prepared to equip ourselves with to uh address the future challenges with that I end up end my presentation thank you very much see there are any questions at the end of Thank Thank you so much sir for your comprehensive insights on the challenges that are very much quickly emerging in election campaigns especially with the uh update regular updates of digital technology. your highlights on protecting the democratic rights of election campaigns, the enforcements of the moral uh moral code of conduct and technologies that encourage citizen participations that you had mentioned personally resonates with the theme of today's workshop. So we deeply appreciate your valuable contribution.
Our next speaker is professor K.
Debarma.
Professor K de Barma received his BA honors 1985, MA 1987, MIL 1990 and PhD 1996 in political science from Northeastern Hill University Shalom. He has been teaching in the department of political science since 16th July 1990. His areas of interest include public administration, development, administration, human rights and migration politics in northeast India. Presently he is teaching courses on human rights development administration. And apart from teaching, professor Darma served the university as a hostel warden from October 2000 to July 2005. He has served as the head department of political science nor eastern hill universities from 11th December 2015 to 10th December 2018 and as dean school of social sciences northeastern hill university from 9th November 2020 to 8th November 2023.
He has authored a book and published several research papers. He has presented research papers and participated in many national and international seminars, workshops, conferences including United Nations working groups conference on indigenous populations in Genea, Switzerland July 1994, micro finance summit in Payat, Thailand in August 2000.
Global summit on micro finance in Nairobi, Kenya 2009. Also he had organized many national and international seminars, workshops and conferences. He has also coordinated refreshes courses in political science funded by UGC through human resource development center NIHU. He has delivered many lectures and keynote addresses in various refresher courses, seminars and professor Darma has been a subject expert for PhD research and other academic committees for many central state and private universities.
He had carried out UGC SAP as a deputy coordinator in the department of political science Neu. He is associated with Lokniti or the center for the study of developing societies New Delhi in election studies and other project on study of democracy. Currently associated with the Muayar state project on democracy and election study on model code of conduct and election campaigns as an expert. Besides he has chaired numerous academic sessions in various national and international seminars and conferences and he is also involved in micro finance development society and takes part in sports activity. Today his topic is on campaign finance monitoring and enforcement. Let us welcome professor K de Barma for his presentation.
Thank you so much for this time.
The topic that has been assigned to me is campaign finance uh and enforcement.
monitoring and enforcement.
Before I come to the slides, just a brief introduction of what uh has been uh projected in the slides is that uh many studies reveal the essential role of campaign finance in determining the success of political candidates.
Now when you have the substantial funding, it provides needed advantages for the political parties or the candidates such as the media visibility, professional staffing, sophisticated data analytic analytic and all these can boost the candidates viability.
However, uh heavy reliance on wealthy donors and super PACs that is the political action committees in US. Some of these can lead to public distrust on the election process itself and also raise the perception of political corruptions.
Now as a whole while legal frameworks encourage uh transparency but there are challenges of dark money which continue to threaten the diversity and fairness of democratic process.
Many research including the one that we have prepared uh the meal team has prepared as a report highlights the existent of tensions between the necessity of financial resources for outreach on the one hand and the on the other hand the preservation of equitable representations.
There is a uh global trends and compliance in political uh finance regulations.
As far as our report is concerned on this uh subject, political finance regulations across 51 countries from the international idea database cover three main pillars. One is bans and limits on private income, public funding. Second, third regulation and spend uh spending.
Fourth is uh reporting, oversight and sanction.
Now all of us know that while transparency measures and bans on vote buying are nearly universal at the moment almost, you know, everybody is uh subscribing to that.
Uh but the study identifies significant regulatory gaps regarding the digital campaigning and indirect influence through loans or government uh procurement.
The findings of the study suggest that while traditional framework architectures are well established in almost all the 51 countries that we have undertaken the studies, many nations struggle to modernize laws to address the modern uh electoral risks that involves in the process of democratic elections.
We also see that comparative analysis highlights how India's regulatory landscape on the one hand aligned with or at the same time deviates or diverse from these global trends showing strength in reporting but again showing the strength in deficit in public funding.
Now all these indicates or uh the problems can uh advocates for strengthening the institutional oversight and updating policies to manage third party actors and online advertising.
The global findings of the studies show the regulatory gaps in digital campaigning and indirect influence that uh you know brings upon influences on the democratic elections and also provides a comparative analysis focusing on India's performance against the global norms.
Finally, it brings the outline strategic recommendation that is required in order to the political finance oversight. Now let us go to the uh slides uh and then we will understand what I have just presented the abstract of uh this uh topic.
Go to the second uh next.
This is the mapping uh the global landscape of political finance law.
This is where I have mentioned that there are four areas, four key thematic pillars.
Go to the next slides then uh it will be visible uh that certain transparency and regulatory protocols which have achieved the widespread international consensus across the 51 countries that have been studied uh you know in this project. You will find that uh you know most of the uh adopted rules you will find ban on voting buying the figures are there then the itemized income reporting regular party financing reporting uh ban on anonymous donations public disclosure of finance report okay so here you have the compliance and non-compliance factors and the data analysis is shown in the uh figure very clearly.
Then here also you'll find that despite the strong core frameworks there are some critical regulatory deficit that persists globally regarding the indirect channels of political influence and modern digital technologies that exist in the current days. So you find that here the percentage ban on procurement linked donors 5.9 then ban on party campaign loans uh 98 ban on candidates campaign loans 11.8 then limits on online political advertising 15.7 then third party campaign financing report 17.6 but The danger area is that the vast majority of global democracies as part of the study leave online campaign spending and loan based financing completely unregulated and that is where the danger comes when it comes to the question of the campaign financing. So many go uh most of the major part of the campaign finance go unrecorded unreported and you cannot you know And this is where you know bigger the for example the uh the finance the bigger the effect one can expect. So when you look at this uh item number the uh item number one that I was talking about uh bans and limits on private income you'll find that where are the the sources and then uh lines you'll find that the uh you know uh in the first next yeah you find that the foreign sourcing this is highly restrictive you know globally And this is in order to preserve the uh you know domestic sovereignty of any particular country they wouldn't encourage. So 88.4% ban on foreign donations to any political parties and then 60.8 extend to the ban even to the candidates. Okay.
No matter wherever it is. Then there is also you know the ban on corporate power which remains highly sometimes and polarized regulatory issues across the world. You find that only 47.1% borate corporate funding to political parties and 39.2% b corporate funding to candidates. But how are the rest? They're all open. they are not you know then you also have the problems on anonymous uh uh funding and which is of course uh you know the near universal ban to enforce transparent transaction tracking. You have the 88.2% that prohibits anonymous funds to any political parties. 66.7% extend the same thing to the individual candidates. don't allow. Now when it comes to the uh next uh theme two that is on the public uh funding and the gender blind spots you find that the institutional support versus the social equality uh we all find that while direct state finding is a dominant tool utilized by 76.5% of countries that we have studied uh to offset private dependency the designs you know all these methods still remain highly gender blind you have you know the 78.4% of the system outline clear criteria for uh eligibility how candidates are selected we all know okay who are preferred then 70.6 that offer uh indirect forms of state subsidy then 51 mandate specific year marking for direct fund uses and only 13.7 of the nation study offer financial incentive for promoting uh structural gender parity inside political parties you so this is about the uh the second uh you know the pillar the third one is the campaign spending and the digital The analog to digital gap exist even in the present setup of technological advancement.
We all know that the electoral rules are failing to adapt to many of the uh digital real politic people are more advanced even how to overcome some of these you know the the rules regulations. Now we all know that the traditional campaign while the traditional campaign structure remains strictly monitored. Okay. The digital frontier is mostly left open and that is where you know our earliest speakers were talking about the difficulties how we can actually you know monitor that.
So we find that out of the 51 countries study 92.2 2 of the nation two 99.2 two of nations studied enforce a strict ban on vote buying. Okay, it is even in India it is not allowed but uh does it actually happen in reality? That is a question.
Okay, we all know the the amount people talk about. Okay. Recently when I went to Assam in one part they were only talking about uh 20 20k 20k then what do you mean by 20k is per 20,000.
So 54% uh 54.9% plays a structural expenditure ceiling on parties. 7 64.7% define explicit expenditure ceiling on candidates. Okay. So uh we are actually more than 50% in that everybody is wanting to have this control but uh only 15.7% of the country's study impose structural caps on online political advertising. Uh you know they spend Then the fourth and the last you know the the pillar is reporting overight and the sanctions.
You will find that the uh there are three section that we are talking about here. The first is the active reporting.
You know there is a comprehensive financial updates which are legally expected inside global norms. Everybody wants that we have to have this comprehensive financial update on the election expenditure and uh you'll find that as per the figure here next yeah 88.2% 2% require regular party reports.
84.3 require uh election spending uh specific reporting then 80.4 require individual candidate reports which means they mandate that means if you look at this that majority almost near universal majority of the countries they agree to this okay the reporting then there is another section that reporting alone is not enough but you have to itemize so specific broken down records are vitally uh you know vital verify the paper trail and that is where the itemize report is important. And here 92 2% demand itemize income disclosure but how they manipulate that may be different. 82 88.2% demand itemize spending files to be presented. 58.8% require exact donor identities. Okay.
But this is the scenario of that 51 countries that study. Then we also have the sanction power oversight bodies require sharp legal teeth to correct you know the violations that takes place on whatever you know the the campaign financing that we are talking about. So 100% of studied frameworks have active financial sanctions legally or otherwise they don't allow and 88.2% 2% empower specialized monitoring agencies and that's where you will find that you know cash seizure during the time of uh elections monitoring and sometimes some years back we saw that one uh entire helicopter carrying the cash was you know ceased somewhere in in northeastern part of the regions then you have the global comparisons this is important and where India stands look at comparative scores when we break down uh you know uh on the basis of regulatory provision uh displays this okay you'll find that global average uh affirmative percentage versus India's alignment status it's not that bad but uh still we lack in uh certain areas on uh bans and limits on private income you know As far as available data indicators are concerned, we have 27. Uh then the global compliant is 42.05%.
India's compliant in the paper record is 37.04 and then we have the deficit of 5.1%.
On public funding system we have the deficit of 10 uh 20%.
On regulatory of spending we have 3 uh 70%.
reporting oversight and sanction in that you know India is doing better you know we are little ahead plus because the global compliance is 49.35 but India reaches 50 so overall score you know India has compliance of 36 21 and we have the deficit overall 4.53 so the key takeaway here is that India matches or leads global standard in reporting and sanctions but trails in public funding options and specific private uh banks and on procurement of limits. So what is the action plan then?
The last slides and this is where you know the recommendation policy recommendation can be very important in order to improvise our campaign finance. So we need to regulate on the uh third parties you know the third parties campaign financing which go unregulated and unaccounted and this is uh very important. Then we also need to modernize legal rules uh digital rules rather and this is where sometimes you know learning from uh the system in Kenya who which has legalized the entire system one can be taken to the court and then put into prison and when there uh you know uh evidence is there that they have actually involved they can be put into prison. prison for 20 years and forget about you know disqualifying them from campaigning when they are in the prison no question of uh you know contesting then we also need to seal the indirect pathways how to seal the indirect pathways you know under current uh financings and all that then we also need to have the I mean to build the oversight capacity in order to strengthen the whole process I think this is what you know uh the the content overall content of our report on campaign financing. Yeah. Thank you very much.
Thank you so much sir for that very comprehensive exposition on the pillars of campaign finance and the monitoring tools and the uh enforcement recommendations that you provided will be very vital for today's workshop.
Our next speaker is Dr. Kamalji Churum who is an assistant professor and the former teacher in charge of the department of journalism and mass communication northeastern hill university shalom. He is an honors graduate in zoology holds a post-graduate diploma in journalism and mass communication and an MA in mass communication.
His area of research is film studies along with cultural communication. Till now he has published 19 research papers, published two translated novels and one collection of folktales and has been a compiler for a Manipuri language dictionary published in 2013. He has been awarded Dr. Ambbitkar fellowship national award 2013 which is awarded by Baratya Dalit Zahitya Academy to New Delhi. Let us all welcome Dr. Thank you very much for this time. Uh I have a huge gratitude towards the CEO's office, the whole team including the CEO Mr. Vidya Diwari GI. Uh I just came back from Delhi yesterday because uh I think in the beginning if uh someone has already mentioned or not I was not there. So the whole report that we have been presenting most of it uh uh the ECI has given 36 themes to 36 different states in UTS across India and we have to finish it by the end of this year. I mean around October it has to be final and I'm very proud to say that the mealai is one of the states that have finished it before time and we have submitted the whole report which is prepared by uh the CS office along with the uh cooperation of all the three or four uh thematic experts that we have we have been uh listening today. uh so I'm very proud that we have submitted the first final draft and they're going through it and we have been receiving some of the reviews from their end from the ECIS particularly the triple IDM which is the training cell of ECI so and I'm also very happy that I played a very small part in the preparation of this uh reports uh and my we went to Delhi along with uh Shimolong and three other members of NLM and SLMs from Megallaya and my job was to present the final report along with all this uh finance regulation and and and the study of the 51 countries comparing it with India. So from that I will be choosing uh I have been given on uh uh media and uh election campaigns and uh information integrity regarding election campaign.
start.
So it is on media digital campaigns and information integrity. So we have seen every every other state well we were presenting even we also saw that most of the regulations MCC's all across the world uh they're lagging behind on the digital front. So only about 16% of the 51 countries have regulation a little bit of regulation on how to tackle digital content during election digital digital content and digital campaigning.
So it is still a very uh uh uh weak area in terms of election management across the world. Even India doesn't have as much of that uh specifically written although we talk about uh information and all. Next slide please.
So uh we have heard of the two terms misinformation and disinformation and few other terms like fake news and uh malinformation. So these are mostly related. Only thing is these are all wrong information but misinformation is usually the ones which are circulated or or generated uh without intention of actually doing it. I heard something then I misheard it somewhere then I so that's why the miss because it's a is a is a miscommunication so that's why misinformation so it is not intentional it is a wrong information but not intentional next slide please so then we come to disinformation then the idea is if you see the word this in the front so this information usually is the one which is intentional I intentionally make it wrong so it may be a photograph I put your on somebody else's doing something else which is you know not so good for you for your image I circulate it I put some other uh caption for for a particular or I say that uh you know elections are going to be like this instead of this date it will be date so just to confuse the people this information so there is if we can see the next slide then we'll see a little bit of that comparison so it is unintentional there is no malice and it's just noise or it's just an error what we call in communication noise anything which is wrong information we can call that noise. So disinformation is intentional and it is designed to harm. So in a way when we hear fake news, fake news is one type of disinformation which is presented as an actual correct news but which is wrong. So since there is someone sitting down there trying to make a news which is wrong and trying to circulate it. It's a kind of disinformation but because they they want to make it look like a news that's why it's called fake news. So what we'll do today is we'll study some of the next slide. Uh so what happens is if we try to uh bring it in the context of elections election management and uh electoral ecology what happens with misinformation or disinformation is it brings about the scale because the scale of digital communication is so big nowadays that it's incomprehensible in one way. So one of the world's largest online users based is India just look at India now then it echoes lot of things like false content creating eco chambers eco chambers is you you start one thing and then it keeps repeating itself it it starts with a life of its own then uh then AI is there the AI is another area that it's even even lesser than uh uh you know the regulations about AI is even lesser in terms of percentage among 51 countries uh in terms of the regulations that they have about AI.
Next slide please.
Uh okay we we'll skip this. We'll go directly into the so what we are what I'm trying to do with this paper is we try to map the pathways with which misinformation or disinformation circulates in India's electoral context and explore how this erodess trust in media the government and the whole electoral process. Next slide please. So we'll look at some of the cases in India cases of misinformation and disinformation. Uh so what we'll do is uh you must have heard some of you must have heard there is this website called alt news. It is altnews.in.
So this is a website that does fact checking fact checking fact checking.
Okay. They look for fake fake news and and and on their website you can see even if you go now also you'll see a not just related to elections but so many other things. Okay. So something goes viral saying that oh this person is dead this person is we see that all the time.
Okay. How many times Amit Bachan has died in his lifetime on social media. So most of this viral uh popular misinformation or fake news going around alt news does fact checking and we can see it. So it's usually regard all the is usually regarded as a very uh credible source of fact checking. Next slide please. So uh there was a study it's not actually done by me actually uh because it takes very long so I'm just looking at some secondary sources. So what happened is uh they mapped this group of studies. They mapped five areas in which uh misinformation or disinformation were circulated. they they collected all the content from old news and they gave five different areas.
Now these are related to uh misinformation during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in India. So starting from the day of the enforcement of the electoral code of conduct which was I think uh 15th March or yeah 15th March 2024 till the day of elections.
Uh so they collected all the information from this website and the first category is the political misinformation or disinformation means uh those fake news related to uh political themes such as false or manipulated information spread intentionally or unintentionally to deceive people about political matters during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. So once this example is this so for example this is uh uh this is only if I'm naming parties or people this is only for academic purposes I'm just showing that this is taken from old news only you can still see this news still there if you can see so congress MP from Bengaluru rural Mr. He slammed the police for allegedly blocking his vehicle during his election campaign in Karnataka was viral in social media. It says that he was shouting at the people the police for blocking his vehicle during campaign.
Uh the image shows the MP warning the cops of uh letting him transfer if they didn't listen to him. So he even threatened them that you'll be transferred if you don't uh let my vehicle go. So that was actually a false information. In fact it was not from itself 2024 election. It was another election before 2024 which was circulated as a 2024 election. So in a way it's a way of you know mis maligning his uh image during the during the elections. So there are a lot more examples there around 20 such examples within this category. So it's just one example I'm showing you. So they found out that this video you can do this also if there's something called the reverse search. You take an image you uh even on on a phone you have There is if you just go uh uh open a video on on thing there is one small link that comes out on the photo.
Okay. What what is that thing?
Google image search is there but if you just open the photo there is one link.
Yeah.
So you can click on it and then it will Google search the image itself. then you can see the different sources where it is available. So uh that is one way of fact checking that you can reverse search the video and then you can see where it was originally or at least the other places where it is available. So they found out that this is two years ago another election assembly election or something and it was a different case. So it's just one example another uh next please. So this is this is another one during a meeting uh some BJP party meeting in Tamil Nadu. It was shown as something else but then it analytics. So anything related to political it came under this. Next slide please.
So the second category of misinformation that they found was uh policy and government's matters like government announcing that uh particular policies before the elections. So those kind of misinformation or fake news come within this. So this category includes those false or misleading information relating to voting procedures, claims of voter fraud, uh misrepresentation of reserves, incor incorrect information about candidates and electoral bones etc. Anything related to any government policies that came under this and there were quite a lot of them in this category also.
So there are a lot of examples. I'll skip some of them for now. We will go to the next one please. This is social and communal misin related to fake news related to social and communal issues such as you know two particular ethnicities fighting each other.
Sometimes you'll see that it's just from a film. Okay. Some film clips are being shown as two people fighting from two different religious communities you know. So those kind of categories come here and this is very dangerous for India such in this category the kind of fake news that comes under this. So for example, one debunked news was of an old video of Rahul Gandhi displaying a green flag and implying that people in a campaign want India to become an Islamic state. It was only a political party in Kerala that has a green flag a little bit similar to the one of of Pakistan.
So that was again it was not even from the 2024 election. It was another one they circulated it. So anything related to uh religion or or or uh this social identity comes under this and again there are quite a lot of them. Next one please. Another one is policy and uh uh uh governance. Again this is about what the government is doing. So uh and another one an edited video of for minister circulated was declaring the elimination of kotas for SCS OBC. Now if it was true you can think or even if people started believing the news that he's talking about you can you can see the repercussions it can have on the whole country right so that is the danger that but again it was debunked it was he was saying something else it was edited in such a way that it looked like he was saying that he's going to eliminate it was different context next please uh this is very interesting again happens a lot in India personality specific attacking one particular person like targets a person's particular characteristics personal assaults and character assassinations which is a very common kind of fake news happening in India such as a case which was again debunked by al news in which the Amadi party leader Atishi is being circulated on social media where she's apparently talking about ending electricity subsidies in Delhi because when AAP came they were giving a lot of subsidies in terms of water and electricity in uh Delhi So then suddenly they brought about this news video where she's supposedly saying that they will stop the subies of electricity. Again that created a whole you know new thing. So it's a kind of character assassination although it's related to policy also.
Okay. So then people started sharing even even people who we can go learn it and politicians and all started sharing that oh see how what is doing. So again there were some more next please again there were some more categories which did not fit into all this they kept it as miscellaneous anything related to u about India related to the globe and what could be geopolitical implications in India or Indian elections. Uh so there were a few others which came under this. Now there is another uh fact checking that was done. Go to the next slide the PIB the press information bureau. Now the PIB is a wing of the government of India as we all know. So they also on their website on the on their social media page even on their X page you'll see they do a lot of debunking of or fact checking of misinformation and disinformation. So these researchers also did uh uh a content analysis. They collected all the information within that uh MCC period from 15 March 2024 to the date of the elections and again similar things were found but the only difference was only difference was alt news did a uh a more bigger facteing but BIB because it's a government wing the facteing they did was mostly related to the government either the government issues or government policies or or people within the So you can see uh public sector initiatives, misinformation or disinformation about public sector initiatives uh election specific again if you go to the PIB X link or X handle or or their own website you can still see some of these still there I'm not presenting because there's quite a lot of them uh election specific uh internal external security policy and governance public awareness miscellaneous so those were the categories in which uh PI did fact checking on during those days and and they were doing it as it was coming out not after the elections as it was going on within one day two days as soon as they got hold of it if they can actually find out the actual the real source of the news or the video or or if they come to know about it they would do it so it was instant it was concurrent so what happens after all of this is it affects the trust and integrity of the whole electoral process by threatening the perceived integ of elections. The elections may be happening correctly.
The whole process may be going on without any mistakes. But then people start perceiving that because they keep seeing all these things. They they start perceiving that something is wrong with the elections and and broader legitimacy of the legitimacy of the democratic system. They start questioning the whole uh democratic system not just the elections. So they also it can also bring about this erosion of trust in the elector electoral institutions polarize the publics because of all those communal and social fake news and diminish confidence in the democratic governance. So these are some of the and there are actual I'm not saying this out of my own there are actual research materials that proves that all these things have been happening even in Australia therearch researchers in Australia where they found that how misinformation can bring about all these things really to measure it to take public sphere as a barometer of trust some of the things that is I'll not explain again so much.
Uh so the disinformation campaigns targeting elections strengthen deliberation, representation and accountability. Those start asking. So credible factchecking, transparent communication and institutional signaling can bolster trust even amid misinformation and disinformation surges. But for that we need to do uh uh some more things. So one thing is uh it reduces we we have seen that information fidelity uh electoral fairness start questioning. So what it brings about is diminished trust in the election. But what can be done that is the next step. So this is a very generalized conclusion or you know we can take step by step for time. I'm just making it short. a holistic rights p rights respecting governance framework that in integrates platform accountability, targeted transparency, media literacy, robust factchecking and adaptive regulatory design. Now each of them is a big area by themselves like the like the right respecting governance framework because when we say if we try to just put a ban uh an umbrella ban on any of these things then people start talking about our fundamental rights such as uh speech of freedom and expression, press freedom, all these things comes about.
So while we are respecting the rights, how can the government or the authorities bring about such regulations which can curtail those things but still respect those rights? Uh a platform accountability that is one big thing. So uh platforms, social media platforms, X, Facebook, WhatsApp what accountability they can that they can have. They cannot just open it freely and make everyone put up. So they have their own uh guidelines within themsel the community guidelines. So every time you open a new account you have to say the guidelines.
I wonder if we have ever tried to hit any of those. There are about 2,000 3,000 words of legal clauses which we just keep scrolling and then we so uh there are a lot of things that they can improve there also. Targeted transparency again uh whether it is the the or political parties or or a simple citizen how do we target each of them?
Now the simplest thing that we have been doing is media literacy. So uh even uh in our own capacity in the university in our department media department we have been going uh around and doing small workshops for media literacy in schools and colleges. We have started that and if any of the offices or any of the institutions of the government from which we are all coming from if you want then we can we can do that. We can we can do that because it really helps and there are a lot of research materials that says that uh uh media literacy packages which we administer to students have been helping. So we can do that on a bigger scale. How to use media? How to identify something that looks like fake and not just uh uh share it without knowing and to understand what impact it can help. People have died because of simple misinformation. There are a lot of examples which I not uh robust facteing that we need lot of this. Now most of the bigger uh news organizations they have started doing this fact checking separately and adapted regulatory design and as we said uh all the regulations and and the laws that we have in not just India and all countries of the world we're still ling we're playing catch up to technology if we can have uh such kind of uh regulations that uh not just um you know follows the trend but also try to predict for the future and what can happen in terms of we're all talking about AI in terms of social media and AI and the whole digital media as a whole. So that comes to the conclusion uh I'll not read this out you know it's it's about uh better regulations especially in terms of election specifically and and general so yeah that's that's all for now and as I said the only thing we are doing now is we're playing catchup and Not just India, it's happening all over the world especially in terms of uh elections in out of those 51 countries that we have studied. Uh there's only 60% of those that have something or the other written about uh digital media and and all other countries.
Thank you very much.
Thank you so much sir for uh that very thorough and extensive uh your views on media, digital campaigns and information integrity and how uh you map the pathways for misinformation and disinformation and how to tackle these problems together as citizens of the country because in this digital age information integrity is election integrity.
Now we would like to request our CEO Dr. BDR Tiwari IAS Chief Electoral Officer to kindly felicitate our speaker Dr. Kamad Chiram assistant professor of department of journalism and mass communication nor eastern H University as he was not present today at the inaugural function.
Thank you sir. Now we have all heard from our academic experts their uh very extensive comprehensive um views on the different topics that have been given to them. So now we open the floor to questions and discussions and I remind you that uh today's workshop is on a hybrid mode where we do have participants virtually and physically from all over the world. So I request for the media link also to be put up and I open the floor for discussions to everyone here. We can have first from here I think as we are setting up the Google meet and I request the participants to kindly introduce themselves and keep the questions short.
The floor is open for questions and discussions.
Good afternoon everyone.
Good afternoon everyone.
So my question is towards Mr. Professor of So as you can see that is uh it's complimentary to the presentation of people's act 1951.
So my question to you sir since you've mentioned that bribery is also amounts to violating of the NCC.
So in the recent times in our state coming to our state we can see that during campaigns we can see that polical uh political parties are collecting money from the public. So does to extortion under the section free rate of the money.
This is just for the sake of discussion.
I'm not hinting at anyone.
>> I'm not aware of that. I can't accept that.
>> Yes.
that you ask whether You are extortion means you are doing someone under pressure.
If you see a very vital question in respect to the political funding and across all the democracy in the world, political parties are mostly depend on the contribution from the people or the not the commercial entities. So to meet their expenditure they depend on the largely on the voluntary donations and contributions.
So anything if it is forcefully then it will be come under the legal which is related to your question. But there are the different aspect and lot of debate. As in the several once we were doing the study on the model code of conduct we come to know as in the several countries government also do the election funding to the political parties but like our country such facility is not there and in the most of the countries also it is not there.
So the political party that is the only thing to get the volunteer contribution or chanda from the different stakeholders.
But if there will be forceful mean that will be come under the legal practice and it will be out and then if somebody is being by some political party then only it will be done. So the person can file the complain because we have been so nobody is starting money.
They may appeal and person people are just and no such case across the country ever has come so far in light further.
So that is the only thing I would like to And is Thank you for that question and for the answers that have been given. Any other question?
We invite uh the people who are joining us online as well if you can ask your questions.
My name is and I am my background is communications. So very interesting when talk about fake news disinformation disinformation.
Uh my question is therefore very simple in a way and I perhaps uh Mr. Tiwari can also think about it because it has some legal may have some legal implication.
Um what uh you know when you talk about fake news and if someone is actually you know working on the disin on the disinformation mode. So uh what are there legal punishments or legal implications uh for uh the person responsible for that whether it is with regards to elections or otherwise. Uh so my my my question is is is very very simple because this is going to grow you know much larger in in the future. Uh of course uh my my my uh experience is also that people elderly say 55 plus uh generally uh are very susceptible to uh you know misguided being misguided by the disinformation and fake news but my question still uh remains the same as what are the legal implications any anything that we can do thank you very much >> uh if we'll talk in the sphere of the digital media if it is anything related to digital whether it is social media or then uh first thing is we have to see what is the content of the fake news. So that also determines which uh legal provisions it will come under. But usually if any such kind of happening then there is the information technology act the IT act 2000 which has been amended so many times and then there is the new one which is the uh so the the digital platforms intermediaries act intermediaries act intermediary rules it's under the IT act but it's a separate rule uh intermediaries act which came out in around two three years ago. So uh first of all uh it can come under those eggs if it is through any of the information technology or any of the digital media or social media then after that sir will explain more on which egg will come under depending on which kind what kind of content they creating. If it is regarding let's say somebody is not doing anything but then you just put something uh saying that you know he was taking bri for elections when he was not doing then that becomes kind of defamation then So again it depends on what kind of content is being circulated through that fake news. The first is uh it can also go to the inter because of the intermediaries rules now even the platform whether it is Facebook or WhatsApp they can also be because they will ask why have you not flagged such kind of content I think so I can explain a little bit more on Mr. Your question is asking about the problem of different platforms.
As we have rightly pointed out that we are having rules of 2021 which has been amended I think recently four times very6.
So if under those rules the intermedater which has been uploaded which is unlawful illegal or if it is you can say misleading in that case it has to removed the responsibility on the part of that particular now we're talking about offenses now as he has rightly pointed out we have looked into that what has happened in that what type of news has that amounts to whe promoting the community. Once again the penis will come in the picture like apart from that the criminal particular from the national congress And this question is related to the captain as the monitoring and enforcement question please. Is there any mechanism where the ECI monitors all SMS during elections rallies and even paid news during elections?
Intervention basically paid news the in respect to paid news. So paid news is prohibited and uh there is the state level MCMC media certification and monitoring committee and district level also there is the district level MCMC.
So it is the responsibility of MCMC at district and state level to check all these things either it is the paid news or paid news.
So and other such kind of news will be either in what mode it has been circulated it is through the electronic platform or on the social media platforms.
So different kind of news will be covered and uh we look into uh in CI rightly answered in the previous question. The nature of question nature of the uh act accordingly we see then uh take the legal and uh needful action as your related to bulk message. Bulk message is also not punishable directly. It will based on the content of the bulk message.
Legally also if you see the different companies also promoting and advertising and marketing for the bulk messages. But if its content is uh like comes under the perview of any offense then accordingly it may be uh it is monitored also and during the MCC period when the model code of conduct will be in practice. So all election functionaries have been assigned to monitor all such especially the expenditure monitoring mechanism is there. So we have naka checking and uh our mobile teams are also there. They do the videography record all those event rallies and event etc. the district grid level election functionaries are assigned to record all those. So any such thing if it comes then we there are mechanism available to take meaningful action when he was explaining that MCC guidines anything.
My question is does the meaning of this restricted to or limited to only cast religion these kind of I will add if it is not because we are living in a digital world where different types of community are there and if the community interpretation or meaning in that MCC guideline is not limited to class religion or ethnicity identities Then why commission of India doesn't act on statements like another one.
So these are also implying to some mean different kinds of meaning that points towards a specific community seeking more.
with regard to your first question that is what is the meaning of coming whatever you have said it perfectly you have told the cast that way between the two different groups on various basis for example of that context that second question that why the noted answer the point is that I'm not sure whether actions have been taken or not.
It has not been filed. So in that situation your in respect to action participants you are telling anything.
is not limited to any particular community or any leader. You can't confine they are just telling we are following the ideal of certain leader certain people. So each and every political stream has some icons and ide if any such thing comes you see the certain act during the model code of conduct period has all regularly been insured by the honorable commission by the election function even the star campaigners are also So they put the ban on their campaign certain other ways and means also been insured.
So even we serve the notices.
Uh there are several instances the election function these are bound to just not to the different people who are from any political party. It is not to any particular one. It may relate to anyone and certain things once they go then the advertisement and other content also come to the MCMC for the certification like any digital advertisement or advertisement in the newspaper they have to get certified by MCMC then only they can even the speeches also being recorded and it found there is the hated hatred speech or the divisive line on the creek religion Election Commission seeks the report and any news coming through the media or through the social media during the MCC period it has it is coming to the election machinery and election machinery assess that evaluate and accordingly ensure the needful action in perview of the law.
One small question conducting regulating elections in a country like us is a very very difficult job. There are individual views of how things should be and there are institutional view how to manage it. So getting so you are a research scholar now young so this happens when we were young we also didn't like certain things once you like top of the prison or rather further ahead in the prison life what you see in the philosophical is that you some ignore also think about the PCI manages elections of 1.4 billion people but small thing. Now if they have to micromanage think about it if you raise a child and say that if you think that your three year old kid has to listen to everything in the first time you will grow mad so probably a more mature view is taken by the ECI that some things has to be otherwise for how many cases you fight getting my point or not I'm not saying about the correctness what whether it should happen ideally it might not happen also so as the election management body we also have to be see that some some more important more vital things which causes damage to damage. So damaging things should be suppressed. So this is a general answer not specific to your thing. So in that sense a broader view has to be Got it. Got it. Got it. So, so idea is that as I during my speech also what I said CEO can vouch for our institutional learning also gets formalized in an evolving manner.
You get my point. MCC is there. New challenges come, new technologies come, they bring in new challenges in terms of what is right, what is wrong. So over a period we keep on evolving. It's not a as I told you in the beginning it's a cat fight. So their rules change. Both cats find their newer and newer ways and means to attack the other. So as the referee referee also has to evolve in that process and in that process if the referee becomes prominent. Think about it how will the football match how will you feel like watching the FIFA World Cup if every 10 seconds the referee pulls out his whistle getting a point or not? So in that sense so that you can tell I think Basically once we deal in the real situation on the ground then everything sometime one thing may be interpreted by different ways by the different people.
So we also have to interpret in the line of the rule and regulation and its impact and what the so ground reality is also been assessed but rule regulation always remain as a guiding principle and we are there and bound to enforce the Very good afternoon to all. My name is Everybody calls me the studies that we have.
Very interesting thing that we found about UK.
It is not qualified.
So what are your views? How is that unqualified election commission under it under its body itself?
And if at all what are suggestions what should be the structure that these are the two questions you are absolutely correct that there is no con there are there laws which are there they cover different aspect of the government that replies India doesn't have India when it comes to India.
I mean just See both models are having pros and cons.
So in that background whatever we are having as of now I don't think that we should uh deviate from that what we can do we can make it more effective in one way or another. So moving to statuto law is not the finish of all problem.
There's no guarantee that okay will be solved. So in my opinion what I think that whatever we have as of now we can make it more effective more comprehensive and we can make it more.
So regarding uh let's say having a separate wing for cyber team or something like that for under the election commission. Uh let me answer the question in this manner. So is there technology which can identify MCC violations? The answer is yes. Uh is it foolproof? It's difficult to say because as I told you the methods of uh misconduct so these these things keep on evolving. Uh so because the the domain keeps on evolving the range will also have to keep on evolving. So we can have technology for technology and in that manner this is a continuous game this would go on. Uh so technologically is it possible? Yes. So whether election commission will adopt a separate uh uh I mean being within its jurisdiction or not that is completely up to them because I'm a technologist so I you ask me specifically directed question so that's why I said technological yes possible yes will it be not my my take will be like it's an institutional decision there will be pros and cons difference of opinions difference of perceptions and my perception for me my perception is always better than yours And that applies to everybody in this room and everybody in the country. So it will create more dissensions than co. So probably that is one reason that uh regarding UK constitution uh it's not that UK doesn't have the constitution but it is unwritten you know UK uh to answer to your query will I mean goes by the convention convention is very strong and whatever the convention decision or the uh you know uh legislation has been taken there in the UK and that is very strong and uh as good as having the written constitutions. So that is why UK constitution is by convention. Okay, just to answer I just confine one one part Why election commission is not having its own cyber wing? The entire police and administration machinery of this country will be under the supervision and control of election commission of India on MCC.
So all the cyber cell of the police they are supposed to bound and bound to work under the to ensure the IT act and all other relevant rules laws under the guidance of the election commission of India. So any exclusive being within that they have the larger authority. So entire administration during the election MCC period they control they supersede. So entire establishment whatever is there to execute cyber cyber laws and all the rules regulation that time election commission has a super.
Okay.
So if no more question please wind up.
Is there any question please?
I'm sorry that I have to stand again.
I'm taking this opportunity because no one is standing. Uh sir this is for Dr. Sir, uh, elections today are dictated by the digital campaigns along with comes the new tech threats. One of which, uh, the en encrypted rumor channels such as close WhatsApp group where messages are being sent by by people where misinformation is spread and then the ECI or the fact checkers, they'll be detecting the messages after the polling day. So if there is any >> provisions of this thing because then people start saying that if you you know they asked uh these digital intermediaries the platforms the government wanted full access to uh all the encrypted uh communications happening it's end to end encrypted so the government of India wanted full access to that then they started saying no if you say that we have to then we'll leave India like Facebook X they said that so they had to uh you know just bring it down a little bit the provisions the government of India that's why they have have to keep changing on those things so as as such of now there's no way because then you I mean we as citizens as users of those then it becomes a way of privacy matter how much of our communication among ourselves should uh anybody anybody can go into it whether authorized or unauthorized should be able to act into it so there's this fine balance of how much of privacy and how much of uh you know what is the word um surveillance how much of surveillance to be done so uh I don't know to what extent to much what extent uh you want there to be surveillance or check by the government or or or any EMV or the ECI but then it is very difficult so the the as of now the latest rule that we have is uh act that we have is the digital intermediaries uh and how much of that uh communication encrypted uh is to be checked. Uh it's still very being debated. Uh the government wants a lot more access into those things because then it becomes easier. Otherwise uh one way of doing that is if there is a complaint and and and there is rules and things for that uh to get a thing from a magistrate or or or from the high court or a judge's order then only As of now, you can go and check somebody's uh encrypted messages directly through you, not through the intermediary. The intermediaries are not going to give any permission as of now. Uh so uh there is no there is no rule to actually go into those encrypted messages unless it goes through another way but not through the intermediaries. So yeah, technology is coming and and and the platform. So we are going to put more and more uh uh pressure on the intermediaries the platforms to regulate themselves a little bit better than just allowing everyone even though they have their own uh community guidelines of what information or what things they can share. Uh so you have seen people that you say something their posts are taken down that is the only way. So government cannot go into those encrypted messages.
Till now no authority has been given. No state authority has been given that permission or that uh liberty to go and check into the uh encrypted communication system of in India and yeah I don't know which country has done that but India at least we don't have that.
Thank you so much to all the panel members for sharing your insights and answering the queries of our participants and all our participants as well for keeping alive the discussion with all of your queries. With that, we have come to the end of the question and answer round. However, for those of you who do still have questions, a questionnaire in Google sheet link will be uh shared to all the participants. So you can kindly take a few minutes to give your feedback and ask questions there as well.
Now I would like to invite the additional deputy commissioner east Kasi Hills uh Shrimati Pritisha Kanga MCS to kindly propose the vote of from Aristotle liberty and equality are best attained when all persons alike share in the government to the utmost I setting the tone today's workshop was a platform for election officials policy makers legal experts academics media professionals civic society and international stakeholders to exchange experiences, deliberate on evolving trends and innovations.
Good afternoon to each and every one of you to our esteemed dignitaries speakers in the inaugural session as well as to the distinguished guest intellectuals who had spoken at length in the workshop. My dear colleagues, representatives from the political parties, media representatives, students, research scholars and distinguished participants who are participating online. On behalf of the chief electoral officer, I take the privilege this afternoon to propose the first and foremost my gratefulness goes to the speakers of the institution who have dwelt at length on MCC and its importance.
My gratitude also goes to our distinguished intellectuals Mr. Diwari assistant professor department of law northeast university who had stress on the foundations and legal frameworks of ethical election campaign. He had spoken about the soft law stated to the basic of MCC based on article 34 and its implementation in conduct of free and fair elections.
My thank you also goes to professor dependuaro dean research and consultancy and it sa for dwelling on emergency challenges and global cooperation. The importance of using technology electoral integrity fair competition with maintaining electoral integrity in the evolving campaign. vigil and its effectiveness in the election process.
My special thank you also goes to Professor Karma, Department of Political Science, Northeast University for his dynamic speech on campaign, finance, monitoring and enforcement, challenges of finance and digital campaign and also for the comparative board the action plan policy recommendations thereof which is vital for MCC and success of election.
I I also take the privilege this afternoon to thank Dr. Kamalji Chiro, assistant professor, department of journalism and mass communication nor eastern university for speaking and highlighting on the media digital campaigns and information integrity related to elections, media misinformation or disinformationic uh categories for alternative news.
a holistic uh rights respecting governance framework that integrates platform accountability targeted transparency media literacy robust factchecking and adaptive regulatory design. Thank you to the distinguished intellectuals for your insightful words, valuable insights and inspiring presentations which have truly set the tone for the occasion and have given us much food for thought which will boost the electoral system in the state and in the country as a whole.
My gratefulness also goes to all the political representatives of political parties for your active participation.
Without which our program would have been incomplete and my special thank you goes to the election machinery under the leadership of Sir Tiwari the CEO for successfully hosting this workshop. all participants the nal offices of uh respective uh topics and the officers who are joining online without uh whom the workshop would not have been complete. I also like to thank the for the sound system the media team for highlighting today's event and students from magnum from NIHU the research scholars from NIHU and Today's interactive session have been fruitful in to today's topic. Your participation will strengthen the electoral governance and electoral process. Thank you one and all for making this program a successful one.
Thank you so much ma'am. With that we have come to the end of the international workshop on model code of conduct for campaigns and I hope all of us are going back with uh better enhanced understanding of the model code of conduct and to work for um ethical, transparent and inclusive election campaigns. Thank you very much for your attendance. So lunch will be served at the dining hall and all the participants are requested to collect their certificates from the registration desk.
Thank you.
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